Clonony Castle, Ireland’s link with the Boleyn family

Clonony Cluain Damhna
Coordinates: 53°14′N 7°55′WCoordinates: 53°14′N 7°55′W
Country	Ireland
Province	Leinster
County	Offaly
Time zone	WET (UTC+0)
• Summer (DST)	IST (WEST) (UTC-1)

Clonony (Irish: Cluain Damhna Beag) is a hamlet in County Offaly, Ireland, on the R357 regional road. Located between the River Brosna and the Grand Canal, it is noted for its late medieval tower house of the same name, which was built in 1500. It is situated in the parish of Gallen and Reynegh and lies approximately one mile west of Cloghan and four miles east of Banagher.

Clonony Castle

Clonony Castle

Clonony Castle (Caisleán Chluain Damhna) is a Tudor castle built by the MacCoughlan clan, and ceded to Henry VIII by John Óg MacCoghlan, then to Thomas Boleyn when Henry wanted to marry his daughter Anne.^[1] Mary and Elizabeth Boleyn, second cousins to Queen Elizabeth I, lived out their lives in this castle and their tombstone still stands on the castle grounds. The grave was discovered in 1803, approximately 100 yards from the castle. The inscription on the eight feet by four feet, limestone flag reads: “Here under leys Elisabeth and Mary Bullyn, daughters of Thomas Bullyn, son of George Bullyn the son of George Bullyn Viscount Rochford son of Sir Thomas Bullyn Erle of Ormond and Willsheere.”^[2]

The castle was occupied from 1612 to about 1620 by Matthew de Renzi (1577–1634), a London cloth merchant originally from Cologne in Germany, who created the first English-Irish dictionary, according to his tombstone in Athlone. He acquired it after it had been forfeited by the MacCoghlans during the Nine Years’ War.^[3]

The fifty-foot tower, an Irish National Monument, is surrounded by gardens and a moat. The castle is a few miles from Clonmacnoise, an ancient seat of Irish learning. Shannon Harbour and the towns of Cloghan, Banagher and Shannonbridge are close by. The castle is currently being restored, and is open to the public at no cost, and although there are no specific hours, the owners try to keep the castle open and encourage tours.

The castle has all the basic features of a tower house of this period such as machicolation, murder hole, base batter, mural passages, spiral staircase, gun-loops, garderobe and bawn. The first floor had collapsed but has been replaced in recent restoration works by the owners. The castle also boasts a barrel-vaulted ceiling making up the second floor which has been restored.^[4] The Tower House is three storeys high with an entrance in the west wall with a machicolation above it. There is a fire-proof vault over the ground floor in the interior and a spiral stair leads to the upper floors. There are round-headed, ogee-headed and flat headed windows. The bawn wall with its two square corner towers and entrance, which had a coat of arms, was reconstructed in the nineteenth century and gives a good impression of how an original Tower House might have looked, with a set of perimeter and internal defences. The inner bawn building in front of the west entrance appears to be a nineteenth-century construction.^[5]

The Annals of the Four Masters record “A great war broke out in Dealbhna between the descendants of Farrell Mac Coghlan and the descendants of Donnell, in the course of which James Mac Coghlan, Prior of Gailinne, and the Roydamna of Dealbhna Eathra, was killed by a shot fired from the castle of Cluain-damhna.”^[5][6]

References

1. Sweetman, David, Medieval Castles of Ireland, Dublin, 2000.
2. Clonony Castle, Banagher, A Brief History, Banagher Parish Council, June 1951.
3. Ryan, Brendan, A German Planter in the Midlands, History Ireland. Retrieved on 27 January 2013.
4. Clonony Castle, The Standing Stone. Retrieved on 27 January 2013.
5. Clonony Castle, Cultural Heritage Ireland. Retrieved on 27 January 2013.
6. Annála Ríoghachta Éireann (Annals of the Four Masters), M1519.15: Coccadh mór i n-Dealbhna etir Sliocht Ferghail Még Cochláin & Sliocht Domhnaill dia ro marbhadhSemus Mag Cochláin prióir Gailinne, & ríoghdhamhna Dealbhna Ethra d’urchor do pheilér as caislén Cluana Damhna.

See also

• List of towns and villages in Ireland

External links

• Description, history and pictures of Clonony Castle

A German Planter in the Midlands

Published in Early Modern History (1500–1700), Issue 1 (Spring 2000), News, Volume 8

Born in Cologne, Germany, in 1577, Mathew de Renzi claimed descent from Albania’s national hero, George Castriott, also known as Scanderberg (d.1468), who defended his homeland against the Turks. De Renzi was a cloth merchant and operated from Antwerp, one of many foreigners who controlled trade in that city. But Antwerp’s trade declined as a result of the long drawn out conflict between the ruling Spanish Hapsburgs and the Dutch United Provinces to the north, and sometime before 1604 de Renzi moved to London. By January 1606 he found himself in financial difficulties, unable to recoup money owed from other merchants: he was declared bankrupt, his creditors were after him, and in August he beat a hasty retreat to Scotland en route to Ireland.
He arrived in Ireland penniless, but soon became friendly with Sir Arthur Chichester, then Lord Deputy. Chichester saw in him an enterprising man of trade, and thus an asset for the ‘benefit of the kingdom’. During his first year in Ireland he curried favour with important establishment figures in Dublin, also visiting the port towns of Waterford, Limerick and Galway. He stayed in Thomond for some time where he became friendly with the old Irish family of Mac Bruaideadh, who were the hereditary historians of the O’Briens, Earls of Thomond. Here he learned spoken or colloquial Irish. His teachers were Conchubhar and Tadhg Mac Daire MacBruaideadh, who were both associated with the cycle of poems known as Iomarbhaidh na bhFilé [The Contention of the Bards]. From Tadhg Ó hUiginn of Sligo he learned classical Irish so that he could read Irish manuscripts and write the language. Although de Renzi was a linguist of note (speaking Latin, Italian, English, German, French and Spanish), his object in learning Irish had nothing to do with missionary zeal or even linguistic curiosity: it was motivated by a practical need to establish himself as a landowner in a Gaelic lordship.
Sometime in 1612 de Renzi arrived in West Offaly, the territory known as Delvin Eathra or Delvin MacCoghlan (the MacCoghlans were the hereditary chieftains of the area), nowadays the barony of Garrycastle, encompassing the towns of Ferbane, Banagher, Cloghan and Shannonbridge. It was bounded on the west by the river Shannon, and bogs made it almost inaccessible on the other three sides. He acquired a hundred acres in the Clononey area, including Clononey Castle, property which had been forfeited by Cuchogrie MacCoghlan, killed in 1601 during the Nine Years War. De Renzi bought it from a middle-ranking administrator, Roger Downton, probably using the dowry from his first wife, whom he had married in 1608.
When he first arrived Delvin Eathra was a vast countryside of woods and bogs, almost totally inhabited by native Irish, who spoke only Irish, and whom de Renzi described as idle, backward in speech, manners, dress and customs. Many of them bore the name MacCoghlan. He moved into the castle which had very small windows and as a result was in a state of almost perpetual darkness. He had no way of knowing for sure the extent of his lands or its boundaries. The MacCoghlans ignored his presence and ploughed his land, a customary method of indicating a land dispute. He hired local labour but there were constant outbreaks of violence between both parties.
The MacCoghlans were under instructions from the head of the clan, Sir John Óg MacCoghlan, to shun this interloper, neither to sell to him nor to buy from him, except at excessive rates. De Renzi wrote many letters to the lords deputy in Dublin and to King James I in England, seeking help and proposing schemes of plantation. His many letters give useful insights into the difficulties experienced by a settler landowner.
In January he wrote from Killenboy, County Roscommon, to Sir Oliver St John. Killenboy, situated between Knockcroghery and Lanesboro, was the home place of Richard Maypowder who had received a grant of land in 1616. De Renzi’s second wife, Anne, was a daughter of Maypowder. The Maypowder family lived in Kilteevan House, in the adjoining townland of Cloontogher, until the early years of this century and the name still persists. De Renzi was afraid to spend the winter in Clononey for fear of the MacCoghlans. His possession of the land was being hotly contested: ‘I have thought good to spend the dark winter nights here in Connacht.’
He argued that plantation would civilise Delvin Eathra. He listed the barbarous customs of the natives, such as attaching ploughs to horses’ tails, the burning of straw, the Brehon Laws, and the custom of migrating each summer with their cattle to the uplands, known as ‘booleying’. Most, he claimed, built their house without chimneys:

They live upon oaten bread and spreckled butter all the year, lie in straw, wear a shirt for four months or till it be rotten afore it be washed, keep beastly houses, endure rain, cold, and snow all day and then roast themselves at night like hogs; go naked and cazer from one smokie cabin to another; eat their meat at unseasonable time, fast sometimes two or three days together, and then eat so much again when they come at it as will keep them three of four days fasting after, like unto hungry wolves.

Next, he wrote of the idleness of the people and the lack of tradesmen. However, most of his venom was reserved for Sir John Óg MacCoghlan (Seán Óg), head of the sept. Even though Sir John had remained loyal to the Crown during the Elizabethan wars, he was portrayed by de Renzi as a traitor and a threat. He saw MacCoghlan as the main force behind the attempts to thwart him in his acquisitions and his letters demonised him. Seán Óg could not be trusted because he was ‘but a bastard, born in double bastardy’, and ruled as a tyrant, suppressing his own people. He related tales of terror perpetrated by MacCoghlan on English settlers and on his own people. Finally, he saw Delvin Eathra as having a strategic location. It was an important access route to Connacht and contained two major crossings of the Shannon, at Banagher and Shannonbridge.
It is difficult to assess the sincerity of these arguments or if they were a cover for his own greed. His grant of a hundred acres soon grew to 1,016 and he acquired properties in Counties Westmeath, Wexford and Dublin. Delvin Eathra was eventually planted in 1619/20, as were parts of Westmeath, Longford and Leitrim. About that time he sold his interest in Clononey; like others before him, he had used it as a stepping stone to greater things. He moved to Dublin and became a government administrator, always with a view to his own aggrandisement. He was knighted in 1627.
His interest in the Irish language was complex. He had mastered both the written and spoken language and was able, through conversing with the natives, to trace the genealogy of the MacCoghlans back four generations. He used this knowledge of the local béaloideas to strengthen his claim to the disputed land at Clononey. Such was his deep knowledge of both colloquial and classical Irish that he was nominated by the poets of the South (Leath Mhogha) as their independent judge against the poets of the North (Leath Chuinn), in what became known as the Contention of the Bards (1616-24).
By June 1608 he had composed an Irish grammar. He also claimed to have composed an Irish dictionary, as well as ‘chronicles in the Irish tongue’. Yet he advocated the destruction of Gaelic culture and manuscripts, seeing in them a form of propaganda which glorified dynasticism and incited the Irish against the English conquest.
He died on 29 August 1634 at the age of fifty-seven. His son, also Mathew, commissioned a memorial in his honour. It was erected in St Mary’s Church, Athlone, in 1635. When the present St Mary’s Church was built in 1820 the memorial was inserted in the rear wall, where it may still be seen. However, there is no evidence that Sir Mathew died in Athlone. The inscription reads:

This monument was erected for the rightful worshipfull Sir Mathew de Renzi Knight: Who departed this life on 29th August 1634: Beinge of the age of 57 years. Born at Cullen [sic] in Germany: and descended from that famous and renowned warrior Cieorge Castriott Als Scanderbege (who in the Christian Warre fought 52 battailes with great conquest and honour against the great Turke). He was a great traveller and general linguist: and kept correspondency with most nations in many weighty affairs: and in three years gave great pfection to his nation by composinge a grammar dictionary and chronicle in the Irish tongue and in accompts most expert and exceedinge all others to his great applause. This work was accomplished by his sonn Mathew de Renzi Esqr. August 29 1635.

Brendan Ryan is a retired school teacher.

Clonony Castle, Co. Offaly.

Location – The castle is on the R357, not far from Clonmacnoise.

OS: N 052 216 (map 47)

Longitude: 7° 55′ 19.55″ W

Latitude: 53° 14′ 41.17″ N

See map at the bottom of the page.

Description and History – This well preserved tower house is a perfect example of this style of castle. Standing at roughly 15m in height the castle has all the basic features of a tower house such as; machicolation, murder hole, base batter, mural passages, spiral staircase, gun-loops and bawn.  The first floor has collapsed but has been replaced in recent restoration works. According to the Archaeological Inventory of County Offaly the spiral staircase has partially collapsed preventing access to the upper floors. However, according to the present owner, these stairs were deliberately destroyed to prevent people accessing the castle when it was derelict. This is certainly a case of ‘state sponsored vandalism’ in Ireland which has happened all too often.  This castle also boasts a wonderful barrel vaulted ceiling making up the second floor which has been very well restored.

The history of this castle is equally as interesting as the building itself.  It was built by the MacCoughlan clan the early 16th century and was the first place in Ireland to practice musketry but was then ceded to Henry VIII in early 17th century.  The castle passed into the hands of the Boleyn family.  It was given as a gift to Thomas Boleyn by Henry as he wanted to marry Anne Boleyn.  In fact, cousins of Anne are buried in the grounds underneath a hawthorn three.  The writing on the stone has eroded away but may still be recovered with a rubbing.  Luckily this castle escaped the campaign of Cromwell and is in relatively good condition. The castle did become ruined but the excellent renovation work of the present owner is slowly restoring this castle to its former glory.

Difficulty – This site is not difficult to find as on the side of the road on the R357, not far from Clonmacnoise. There is no official parking here so you will have to park on the grass verge. The castle is privately owned and is a residence so always knock on the door and don’t barge in.

For more castles, click here.

For more sites in Co. Offaly, click here.

The impressive gateway entrance. You can see above the arch where the coat of arms would have been located. The owner informed me that it was removed by the previous owners and is still in tact somewhere.

Machicolation above the bawn wall entrance.

The bawn entrance from the inside.

The Boelyn gravestone.

Inside the renovated ground floor.

The owner has painstakingly found antiques to give the castle an authentic feel.

The restored first floor level.

One of the mural passages.

Looking out of one of the gun-loops.

Looking down on the second floor. The castle is missing its roof.

Howard Mausoleum, Kilbride., Arklow, County Wicklow

Figure 1: A view of the pyramid erected in 1785 as a mausoleum for the Howard family of nearby Shelton Abbey. Described in 2001 as a valuable piece of heritage at risk of being lost through neglect and decay, the pyramid was adopted as a project by the Arklow Marine and Heritage Committee who, in partnership with TÚS, have begun a careful restoration of the mausoleum

Sitting on a small rise a mile north of Arklow, overlooking the river Avoca, is a monument described by Sir John Betjeman (1906-84) as the largest pyramid tomb ‘beyond the banks of the Nile’ (fig. 1).  It stands on the highest position in the ancient cemetery of Kilbride, dwarfing the ruins of the adjacent medieval church, and is easily seen from most points within a two-mile radius.

When Ralph Howard (1726-86) of Shelton Abbey was made first Viscount Wicklow in 1785, he decided that no longer would a departed Howard be buried in cold clay; their bodies would be housed in an edifice more befitting aristocracy.  Philosophical Enlightenment was at its height and to speak of Athenian, Egyptian or Roman architecture was to display not only education but good taste.  The new mausoleum, Howard decided, would be a pyramid.

The design is believed to be the work of an English sculptor and stonecutter, Simon Vierpyl (c.1725–1810).  Vierpyl was well acquainted with Enlightenment taste having spent almost a decade in Rome producing souvenir copies of ancient sculpture for the well-heeled on their Grand Tour.  He was brought to Ireland by James Caulfield (1728-99), fourth Viscount Charlemont, and soon became known for his designs based on ancient civilisations.  He worked closely with Sir William Chambers (1723-96) on the Casino (1758-76) at Marino; Castletown House (c.1760), County Kildare; and Charlemont House (1763-75) in Rutland Square [Parnell Square], Dublin.  According to The Dictionary of Irish Architects 1720-1940 he appears to ‘have done relatively little purely sculptural work’ in Ireland, being employed chiefly as a stone-carver, mason and clerk of works.  The Howard Mausoleum does not appear in the list of works accredited to him.

Figure 2: A view of the sarcophagus inscribed: Within the walls of the adjoining Church lie interr’d the Remains of/M. Dorothea Howard otherwise Hassels Relict of John Howard Esq./Who Departed this Life at Shelton in December 1684 to Whose/Memory and that of their Descendants and as a place/of Burial for his Family Ralph Viscount Wicklow/has caused this Monument to be Erected/in the year of our Lord 1785

The pyramid’s outer cladding is granite blocks.  The base is approximately twenty-seven feet square, the walls are perpendicular to the height of six feet, at which level the slopes begin, meeting at the pinnacle some thirty feet above ground level.  A sarcophagus on the north side records that the monument was erected in memory of an earlier Howard and as a place of burial for the family (fig. 2).  North of the pyramid is a small Egyptian-style structure with a temple front that is often taken for part of the mausoleum, but this leads to a second chamber that houses a minor branch of the Howard family (fig. 3).

Access to the inside was gained by a small door in the north wall — now sealed — from which a narrow corridor of about eight or nine feet leads to a chamber ten feet square.  This has a curved brick roof, about fifteen feet from the floor at its highest point.  The wall facing the short corridor and the walls to the right and left each contain nine niches for coffins, three rows of three.

The coffins were inserted lengthwise so that each niche opening is only two feet six inches square, receding about seven feet.  A slab, on which the biographical details of the interred was carved as on ordinary headstones, was fitted to seal the niche.  The fourth wall has only six niches, three placed vertically either side of the chamber entrance, making a total of thirty-three coffin spaces in all — Freemasonry symbolism or just a handy number?  The strange thing is, only eighteen are occupied.

Figure 3: Writing in Mausolea Hibernica (1999) Maurice Craig described the Howard Mausoleum as ‘one of the most romantic and mysterious of Irish mausolea… The mystery is that below and in front of [the pyramid] is the curious façade in granite with more than a whiff of the Egyptian taste about it, which must surely be later and is even perhaps of a different family’

The first interment was of Ralph Howard’s daughter Isabella.  She was nineteen when she died in December 1784.  As the pyramid was not built until the following year, it is reasonable to assume that Isabella was buried in the graveyard and re-interred in the mausoleum when it was ready.  The last interment of which we have a record took place in 1823, but folklore states that there was another.  For weeks following the interment of an infant family member, tenants living at Kilbride reported the sound of a child crying at night.  The body was, we are told, removed and interred elsewhere after which the crying is said to have stopped.  The pyramid was sealed and never used again.

Jim Rees teaches history and communications with County Wicklow VEC.  He and fellow local historian, Pat Power, were given access to the interior of the Howard Mausoleum in 1986

‘Giza on the Avoca’

By Jim Rees

Sitting on a small rise a mile north of Arklow, overlooking the river Avoca, is a monument described by John Betjeman as the largest pyramid tomb ‘beyond the banks of the Nile’. It stands on the highest position in the ancient cemetery of Kilbride, dwarfing the ruins of the adjacent medieval church, and is easily seen from most points within a two-mile radius.

When Ralph Howard of Shelton Abbey was made 1st Viscount Wicklow in 1785, he decided that no longer would a departed Howard be buried in cold clay; their bodies would be housed in an edifice more befitting aristocracy. Philosophical Enlightenment was at its height and to speak of Egyptian, Athenian or Roman architecture was to display not only education but good taste. The new mausoleum, Howard decided, would be a pyramid.

The design is believed to be the work of an English sculptor and stonecutter, Simon Vierpyl (c. 1725–1810). Vierpyl was well acquainted with Enlightenment taste having spent almost a decade in Rome producing souvenir copies of ancient sculpture for the well-heeled on their Grand Tour. He was brought to Ireland by James Caulfield, 4th Viscount Charlemont (1728–99), and soon became known for his designs based on ancient civilisations. He worked closely with architect William Chambers on Castletown House, Charlemont House in Rutland (now Parnell) Square in Dublin, and the Casino at Marino. According to The dictionary of Irish architects(http://www.dia.ie/architects/view/5439) he appears to ‘have done relatively little purely sculptural work’ in Ireland, being employed chiefly as a stone-carver, mason and clerk of works. The Howard mausoleum does not appear in the list of works accredited to him.

The pyramid’s outer cladding is granite blocks. The base is approximately twenty-seven feet square, the walls are perpendicular to the height of six feet, at which level the slopes begin, meeting at the pinnacle some thirty feet above ground level. A sarcophagus on the north side records that the monument was erected in memory of an earlier Howard and as a place of burial for the family. North of the pyramid is a small Egyptian-style structure with a temple front that is often taken for part of the mausoleum, but this leads to a second chamber that houses a minor branch of the Howard family.

Access to the inside of the pyramid was gained by a small door in the north wall — now sealed — from which a narrow corridor of about eight or nine feet leads to a chamber ten feet square. This has a curved brick roof, about fifteen feet from the floor at its highest point. The wall facing the short corridor and the walls to the right and left each contain nine niches for coffins, three rows of three.

The coffins were inserted lengthwise so that each niche opening is only two feet six inches square, receding about seven feet. A slab, on which the biographical details of the interred were carved as on ordinary headstones, was fitted to seal the niche. The fourth wall has only six niches, three placed vertically either side of the chamber entrance, making a total of thirty-three coffin spaces in all — masonic symbolism or just a handy number? The strange thing is, only eighteen are occupied.

The first interment was of Ralph Howard’s daughter Isabella. She was nineteen when she died in December 1784. As the pyramid was not built until the following year, it is reasonable to assume that Isabella was buried in the graveyard and re-interred in the mausoleum when it was ready. The last interment of which we have a record took place in 1823, but folklore states that there was another. For weeks following the interment of an infant family member, tenants living at Kilbride reported the sound of a child crying at night. The body was, we are told, removed and interred elsewhere after which the crying is said to have stopped. The pyramid was sealed and never used again.

From A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, 1837

KILBRIDE, a parish, in the barony of ARKLOW, county of WICKLOW, and province of LEINSTER, 2 miles (N. by W.) from Arklow, on the river Ovoca, and the road to Wicklow; containing 1192 inhabitants. It lies on the coast, and is generally under a good state of cultivation. Shelton Abbey, the splendid seat of the Earl of Wicklow, described in the article on Arklow, is partly within its limits; and there are several good residences, of which the principal are Sheepwalk, that of T. Murray, Esq.; Seabank, of R. Hudson, Esq.; Ballymoney, of the Rev. M. J. Mayers; and Killiniskyduff, of M. Hudson, Esq. Near the mouth of the Ovoca is a coastguard station. The living is a vicarage, in the diocese of Dublin and Glendalough, previously to 1833 a part of the union of Arklow, and now united with the vicarages of Enorely and Templemichael; together constituting the union of Kilbride, in the patronage of the Archbishop. The tithes of the parish amount to £200. 6. 2. The church, erected in 1834, at the expense of the Earl of Wicklow, is a handsome structure, in the later English style, with a square embattled tower crowned with pinnacles. In the R. C. divisions the parish forms part of the union or district of Newbridge and Baranisky; the chapel is a neat and spacious edifice. About 210 children are taught, in the public schools, of which the parochial male and female schools are supported by the Earl and Countess of Wicklow; and there are two infants’ schools, one supported by the Countess, and the other by the Rev. M. J. Mayers, the present incumbent; also a Sunday school. The ruins of the old church are on an eminence commanding a fine view of the town and bridge of Arklow, a great expanse of sea, the demesne of Shelton Abbey, and the woods of Glenart, In the churchyard is a mausoleum of the Howard family; there is also an ancient burial-place at Templereeny.

Our hidden pyramid is revealed by DEBORAH COLEMAN

A CLEAN-UP operation is revealing a long-hidden face in the countryside around Arklow as a pyramid literally emerges from the undergrowth following years of neglect.

Few people in Arklow and the wider county are even aware of the existence of the pyramid at the old Kilbride Cemetery on the outskirts of the town.

The monolith was commissioned by Ralph Howard, 1st Viscount Wicklow in the 1780s, as a burial site for him and his family is situated in and dominates the old cemetery.

It is the final resting place of 18 of his family members

More than 500 people are believed to be buried in the cemetery which had become overgrown and neglected in recent years with the pyramid itself covered in ivy and tree growth.

The Arklow Marine and Heritage Committee, chaired by Cllr. Sylvester Bourke was formed with a view to getting some preservation work carried out at the site and following a successful application to County Wicklow Partnership (CWP) participants on the TÚS Project were assigned to commence the work.

Prior to this, the committee commissioned a conservation report to ensure that works would be carried out appropriately and in keeping with the requirements for any such historical site.

The two-year project makes manpower available to the committee and has already made vast improvements inside the site with much of the overgrowth cut back and removed.

‘It is a countywide programme which assigns participants to various schemes for 19.5 hours per week,’ explained Dermot Byrne of CWP.

‘ TÚS covers three areas: caretaking/maintenance, administration and social care.

‘Funding, however is limited to the public are asked to donate tools or equipment where possible by contacting the partnership offices in Arklow,’ he added.

Visitors to Arklow are to this day taken aback at the sight of a perfectly formed and quite large pyramid in the distance along the local landscape and are astounded by its existence.

‘In those days it was very important for the gentry of the 18th century to put down their markers and those who had a heavy enough purse to allow them to take a couple of years off would take what was known as ‘ The Grand Tour’,’ explained local Historian Pat Power.

‘ Those such as Ralph Howard, a few years before he became Viscount Wicklow, would travel to Italy, France and Greece if they could get there.

‘ The Grecian and Roman architecture was heavily influenced by the mysticism of the pyramids which was adapted into funereal art.

‘Howard was very much into freemasonry and in part adapted this type of building into the pyramid and mausoleum at Kilbride, on quite a large scale,’ he added.

History buffs will be intrigued to learn that the Howard pyramid isn’t the only one in Co. Wicklow as the Stratford family built a similar structure in Baltinglass which is still there today.

As the work continues at the old Kilbride Cemetery it is envisaged that a new boundary fence will be installed and that a gate and floodlighting, funding permitted, will complete the project.

According to the Dictionary of Irish Architects 1720-1940, the pyramid and mausoleum were built by Simon Vierpyl who has spent nine years in Rome in the mid-1740s making copies of antique sculpture for grand tourists.

FURTHER READING

Craig, Maurice and Craig, Michael, Mausolea Hibernica (Dublin: The Lilliput Press, 1999)

Tomi Reichental

Tomi Reichental – Holocaust survivor interviewed by Tuam Herald

A HOLOCAUST survivor detailed the unimaginable horror of his experience in a Nazi concentration camp during World War II to students in Tuam recently. Describing his earliest memories following his birth in 1935 in Piestany, Slovakia, Tomas (Tomi) Reichental gave teenagers from Presentation Tuam and St. Jarlath’s College an insight into Nazi-occupied Poland through the eyes of a child.

“I grew up in a world where Jews had no citizenship. The Nuremberg Laws were passed the year of my birth and my people were excluded from everything. Nazi Germany under Hitler were intent on creating the Aryan race, a people of blue eyes and blonde hair, with no room for mixed blood, and set about creating an abhorrence of all things Jewish across Europe,” said Tomi.

“I was four years old when the Nazis invaded Poland and the mass execution of Jews began. I remember my childhood on a small farm in Slovakia and yet to me it was the biggest place in the world, until the Nazis came.” Tomi explained to students how the Slovak government sold their own people to the Nazis under laws even more severe then the Nuremberg laws.

“I was six years old when the Nazis made us wear a yellow star on our clothing emblazoned with the letters Jude (Jew). It was the first time I realised I was different from other children. Everybody now knew I was Jewish and my whole world changed. I was beaten up and called names and would come home crying from school every day. My family told me to be a good boy and I had no choice but to bear the insults and the bullying. Little did I realise things were about to get even worse,” said Tomi.

To the death camps

The expulsion of Slovakia’s Jews to the death camps began in March 1942. Fascist Slovak leaders were so impatient to be rid of Jews they paid the Nazis 500 Marks for every Jew they deported and were the only Nazi satellite regime that paid cash to speed up the expulsion of its own Jewish community. Tomi Reichental was among those deported.

“The Nazis particularly targeted women and children in an attempt to destroy the future of the Jews. I watched as my aunts and cousins were led away and we did not even cry for them. We did not know that just 48 hours later they would die in the gas chambers at Auschwitz,” said Tomi.

He explained to students how the Jewish population in Slovakia dropped from approximately 90,000 to 25,000 as Nazis murdered his people in concentration camps across Germany.

“We heard whispers filter through that our people were not going to camps but to gas chambers, but we could not believe such talk so we carried on and did what we were told by the Nazis. Things were worsening in our village and you could be shot on the spot if the Nazis suspected you were Jewish. But my father had many friends in the village who would warn us to hide if the Nazis were around. I remember a lot of hide-and-seek between 1942 and 1944 as we tried to avoid deportation,” said Tomi.

Face to face with the Nazi regime

However, Tomi and his family came face to face with the Nazi regime when a unit of SS swooped on their tiny village.

“My father was taken to Auschwitz. What I would later learn was that en route he jumped from the moving train with a Hungarian man and that is how he survived. “We did not see him again until after the war as he joined the resistance against the Nazis,” said Tomi.

The Gestapo came across Tomi’s 76-year-old grandmother in a shop in Bratislava. “She was betrayed as Jewish and the Nazis beat her up until she gave them details of her family, then one by one they found us all,” said Tomi.

Are you Jewish?

“Are you Jewish?” I remember them shouting at my brother. “No I am not,” he replied. “You are, your grandmother and your mother said you are. Are you Jewish?!” he roared. “Then they turned to me and began to beat me, which was the final straw for my brother. “We are Jewish,” he said. “And we were brought to the shop where my mother and grandmother were being held,” said Tomi.

Of the 13 of Tomi’s family captured that day, only five survived. The other seven perished at Auschwitz. “I don’t know how we survived the selection process but we stayed together and were put in a cattle carriage with 60 other people bound for Bergen-Belsen. I can still smell those disgusting carriages we spent seven days in during a freezing November 1944.”

“Once a day the train stopped to empty the barrel which stood in the middle of the carriage that was used for our bodily needs. The door would open with a crash and everyone panic stricken inside in the dark, as beams of light shone upon us. Then we marched for about two hours through the mud and pouring rain with the Nazis shouting “schnell schnell” (quickly quickly) with dogs barking on each side of us and nobody asking where we were going. And so to our new home in hell,” said Tomi.

Bergen-Belsen hell

Tomi and his family arrived at a wooden barracks with bunk beds, drenched and exhausted. “We were just glad to have a roof over our heads and to finally sleep. Every morning we awoke to the shrieks of a whistle and sometimes stood for up to two hours in the snow until the SS commander arrived. When the crematoria could not cope with the number of people dying of hunger and illness the dead bodies were just slung in a heap outside our barracks. As children we just played around them and the stench was unbearable, but we knew no different. Children are children and that was what we knew so we became apathetic to it. All we cared about was not becoming one of the decaying corpses on the heap and making sure were we not in the line of fire when the Nazis randomly practised their shooting on human targets.”

Contaminated food

Tomi explained how food at the Nazi camp was contaminated. “We lived on a diet of black coffee and bread but the water was contaminated so typhoid and diphtheria became rampant among us. Anne Frank died of typhus in the wooden barracks next to ours when she was transferred to Bergen-Belsen from Auschwitcz. If the Nazis didn’t get you, disease or hunger would and we watched as hundreds of people became skeletons or developed infections and literally fell to the ground dying a very slow and painful death,” said Tomi.

“Our mothers would invent games and huddle us under the blankets together to help us try and forget our hunger, but it was always there. We were lucky as we were the group the Germans would present to the Red Cross to show the outside world they were looking after us. The Nazis would close the camp for 24 hours and we would be hurried to another barracks and given chocolate. It is one of my nicest memories and I think this is the only reason we were kept alive. Some people could not bear the torture of starvation and would climb the barbed wire, before being shot dead. They knew they could never escape but had decided it was a better fate than the misery they were in and I remember seeing their bodies left slumped over the wire.”

Allies arrive

Tomi described liberation from the Nazis in April 1945 in quite simple terms to Tuam’s students. “One day the guards were gone and the gate of the camp was left open, but nobody left. We were all too afraid and just wondered at the open gate. Then some jeeps rolled in and one had movie cameras on it as the Allies filmed the conditions of the camp. They gave us food, which was a bad idea as our stomachs had shrunk and many people continued to die as they could not digest it. Typhoid was still rampant in camp, so it was decided to contain people until it could be dealt with,” said Tomi.

Freedom

With news of Hitler having committed suicide, blaming the Jews for the war, Tomi told of his return home, before opening the floor to questions from the Tuam students. “We were re-united with my father and then I went to study in Germany,” he said. “Didn’t you hate the Germans by then? Why would you go to university in their country when it was their people who murdered your family?” asked one Tuam student.

“Not all people within a culture are evil and I have no gripe with the German people,” replied Tomi. “We were innocent children who simply did not understand what was happening to us, so how can I lay the blame on all Germans?” he said. “Do you think the German people colluded with the Nazis or were they powerless against them?” asked another student. “I think it went much deeper than colluding,” replied Tomi.

“A lot of them stayed silent and that did more damage than any menace ever could. They should have stopped to think about the minorities who fared worse then the Jews in the hands of Nazis and faced a death much more horrifying than the gas chambers. “Gypsies, mixed-race children, disabled people and homosexuals, who the Nazis hated more than anyone, all burned in the flames of the Nazi ovens. And there are still some Germans who to this day will not apologise for the atrocities they inflicted on those poor people,” he added.

“The German people could have tried to save those people, but maybe they were afraid for themselves. I feel afraid when I hear people say the Holocaust never happened. I feel nothing but pity for the ignorance of such people and I say shame on them, because they should know better,” said Tomi. “One and a half million Jewish children were murdered by the Nazis and thousands of other innocent children perished because they were considered not worthy of a life. Why would I hate these people? That would make me the same as them and I will never be that.”

http://www.rte.ie/news/player/2014/1206/20693411-holocaust-survivor-tomi-reichental-nominated-for-people-of-the-year-award/

Irish Independent Book Review: History: I Was A Boy In Belsen by Tomi Reichental

http://www.obrien.ie/i-was-a-boy-in-belsen

PUBLISHED13/11/2011

Holocaust literature is a vast and lucrative business. Indeed, as survivors continue to become increasingly rare and their unique stories die with them, to be lost forever, it is vitally important that we all read as many of these accounts as we can — the survivors deserve to be borne witness to, after all. Having said that, there are some examples of Holocaust writing that seem to be almost the literary equivalent a violent slasher movie, such is the ferocity and brutality and sheer unbelievable savagery on display.

Indeed, I have only recently finished one book about Majdenek death camp which contained a passage about a guard called ‘Mr Hammer’ because of his proficiency at killing children with one — you don’t sleep easily after absorbing something like that.

Tomi Reichental’s memoir of his time in Belsen and his subsequent life and eventual move to this country does not scale the heights of depravity as evidenced by ‘Mr Hammer’ but it is a vital, important and worthy book, albeit one which could have been edited more tightly.

Having lived a life of bucolic bliss in rural Slovakia, where his family were one of the most respected in the town, their world as they knew it ended forever on one cataclysmic day in October 1944 when the Gestapo finally caught up with them — some of their former friends and neighbours weren’t so friendly or such good neighbours after all.

Eventually, Tomi, along with his mother, brother, grandmother, aunt and cousin ended up in Belsen, where a new life in hell begins.

Reichental talks movingly of how desperately the parents of young children tried to keep them from hearing about the gas chambers and the horrific final fate that was in store for them.

As he was only nine, and with a protective mother trying to shield him from the Dante-esque horrors that were being perpetrated around him on a daily basis, it’s obvious that he must have missed some of what was going on, but that doesn’t stop him from vividly describing the constant sense of dread and terror that they lived with on a daily basis.

And alongside the psychological torment they were forced to endure, there were the physical deprivations also — the perishing cold, the inadequate clothing and, of course, the gnawing starvation that never went away.

As if this wasn’t bad enough, there was the camp administration to worry about. The camp commander was none other than Josef Kramer, a vicious sadist who encouraged his staff to emulate his style, which they did with relish.

Reichental recalls, almost dispassionately, watching a female camp guard beat an inmate almost to death and he recalls how vivid the woman’s blood looked; he remembers the ‘latrine dolls’ which were actually the bodies of dead babies that had been discarded in the stinking, fetid hole that was the camp latrine.

He also remembers watching his grandmother’s corpse being thrown on a pile of rotting bodies as the kids played obliviously around them.

It’s an almost endless litany of humiliation, violence and whole-scale, systematic slaughter, the planned eradication of an entire race from the face of the earth.

Upon liberation, he returned to his home town in Slovakia but just because the war was over didn’t mean that attitudes towards Jews had changed — there were pogroms still happening for years afterwards and any Jew returning from a camp looking to retrieve their property from their neighbours faced as much a possibility of being shot as actually receiving their belongings.

Having joined a Zionist group, he emigrated to Israel as a teenager and then moved to Germany to become an engineer.

Then, in the latest move of his peripatetic life, he moved to Ireland in the late 1950s for his job. While here, he met and married an Irish girl and had three children.

For a country that should shudder with shame every time we think about our role in the war, the fact that Reichental found a good life in Ireland and was happy here — he became a full Irish citizen in 1977 — is a source of some comfort, and the differences between the two worlds really hit home when you move from one chapter about living in hell in a death camp to then blithely talking about the synagogue in Terenure.

Like many survivors, he remained silent for over 50 years before deciding that he had to bear witness to what he had seen.

And to that end he still gives talks to schools and other groups about his experiences, trying to educate the ignorant the dispel the myths of the misinformed.

If you have the chance to hear him talk, take it. Until then, this moving book will be a handy replacement.

By Ian O’Doherty

A survivor of the death camps speak

Published in the Irish Independent on 11 January 2009

By Barry Egan

TOMI Reichental isn’t haunted by what he saw as a nine-year-old in Belsen. There are no nightmares of screaming or cadavers. “This is not an unusual phenomenon,” he says in his front room in Rathgar 60 years on. “The older people of the Holocaust had this problem of reconciling in their life due to the suffering they went through. The memory for them was much more vivid than the children.” That said, Tomi can still remember the camp’s crematoria in January 1945 being so unable to cope with the vast numbers of corpses, that “the bodies were just left there”. As far as he could see there were corpses everywhere — “and these corpses were rotting and decomposing”. He recollects that when the British army arrived in April 1945, they said that from two miles outside of Belsen they could smell the stench. Yet Tomi and his big brother Miki didn’t even notice. “Us kids,” he explains, “we were running between these corpses. That was our surroundings”.

Tomi’s grandchildren go to Disneyland in America, he says, and they return with the stories of what they saw. “We were in the concentration camp for eight months and we didn’t talk about it,” he says. “I never told my father what we went through. We never talked about it.” His father, Arnold, died about 40 years ago. Nor did he tell anyone in Ireland about his experience in the concentration camp. “My children didn’t even know what I went through,” he says. “I never sat them down and told them my story. I couldn’t do it.”

It was only after Tomi started to lecture in schools in Ireland a few years ago and newspapers began writing about his grim experiences that they found out who their dad really was.

When the Nazis entered Slovakia in 1944, the Reichentals decided to leave Merasice and live elsewhere as gentiles, with false papers. Shortly afterwards, they heard that Arnold, Tomi’s father, who had stayed behind to look after the farm, had been betrayed by someone in Merasice and arrested. He was put on a train to Auschwitz. As it happened, there was a person on the train in the carriage with Tomi’s dad: a Hungarian safe-cracker. That night, he took the saw blade that he had hidden in the handle of his case and cut the chain and opened the carriage and said: “Anybody wants to save themselves — jump after me.”

“My father jumped,” Tomi says now of his dad’s escape. Unfortunately, there was no escape for the rest of the Reichentals.

In October 1944, they were in Bratislava preparing to go to a safehouse in another village when their grandmother Rozalia was betrayed to the Gestapo. They beat the identities and whereabouts of those who were with her out of the 76-year-old woman. When Tomi’s mother entered a shop, the Gestapo were all around her.

“I was waiting with my brother Miki, in another shop 200 yards down the road from my mother. We were going to go to the station. Suddenly, the Gestapo came into the shop and saw us sitting there, two kids. I was at the time nine years old and my brother was 13,” Tomi recalls.

“They came straight to us and immediately said: ‘You Jewish?’ We of course tried to deny it. They slapped my brother a couple of times and he continued to deny it. Then of course they turned around to me — I was only a little kid — and they smacked me once or twice and my brother said, ‘Stop hitting my brother! We are Jewish!’ The Gestapo said: ‘We knew you were Jewish. You could have saved yourself the beating.’ I remember this distinctly. So we were arrested together with my aunts and uncles and cousins — 13 of us.”

They were taken to the Gestapo headquarters in Bratislava and from there deported to a detention camp where Nazi Alois Brunner had the power of life and death. “This was a very cruel man,” Tomi says of war criminal Brunner: “he used to do the selection: ‘You go to the right — you go to the left.'”It was a very cruel way — separating the mother from the children, from the father. It meant this group is going to die and this group is going to live,” Tomi remembers. ” And you never knew which was which.”

After two weeks in the detention camp, they were called to the roll call. The older people were put to one side and the children and mothers to the other side. When their turn came, Tomi recalls, Brunner turned to “my brother — because he was very tall — and he asked my mother, ‘How old is he?’

“And if my mother had said he was 13, then he would have been put with the other people, working,” says Tomi, explaining that Jews celebrate bar mitzvah at 13 as the transition from child to adult; “the Germans took it that once you are 13 you are an adult. So my mother without hesitation said ’12’.

“She must have thought to herself if we are going to die we die together; if we are going to live, we live together. That’s why we were together,” Tomi says, adding that his uncles and aunt were sent variously to Auschwitz and Buchenwald for slave-labour, “where they perished.”

Tomi and his family were sent to Belsen. “They were no gas chambers in Bergen-Belsen,” says Tomi, “but unfortunately people were dying there from starvation and from disease”, especially typhoid.

“He was very cruel,” Tomi says of the Beast of Belsen (in his trial, Kramer showed no remorse when he talked about physically pushing Jews into the gas chambers at his previous camp, Auschwitz).

“He was shooting people for no reason. I saw the bodies. People who would go to the kitchen to look for potatoes skins, he would just pick them out and shoot them. And the roll call area was in front of the kitchen. And every morning, we would see seven, eight, 10 people, left there dead with blood everywhere every day.”

In January, when Auschwitz was evacuated by the Nazis because the Russian army was advancing, many of those poor souls were death- marched to Belsen. As its population swelled from about 15,000 to more than 65,000 starvation and typhoid fever became rampant. “People began to die in such quantity that the bodies were not taken away,” he says. His mother tried to help them through it. “‘She was encouraging us, ‘Don’t worry. Keep strong. We will get through it’. But it was survival from day to day.” The Reichentals never knew what would happen tomorrow. They just wanted to live through this day.

Close to Evil

An RTE Radio interview marking Holocaust Memorial Day in January 2012 is the catalyst for a remarkable journey. Holocaust survivor Tomi discovers one of his former jailers – Hilde Lisiewicz is alive and living in Hamburg. Lisiewicz is a convicted War Criminal. She claims she is a victim of victor’s justice. Tomi embarks on a quest to investigate the SS woman’s claims of innocence. Unexpectedly Tomi’s odyssey ends where his story began, back in his native Merasice, meeting the ghosts from the past and embracing a German woman directly associated with the man who had a role in the liquidation of Tomi’s family.

4 young “neo-Nazis travel across Europe meeting historians and former concentration camp inmates. Eventually they will reach Auschwitz-Birkenau where they will question the orthodox holocaust story and meet Kitty Hart, a former prisoner.
Filmed in Poland, Germany, France, Austria and in the UK in 1993.

In 1945 Tomi Reichental was a nine-year-old boy starving to death in Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. SS woman Hilde Lisiewicz was one of the Nazi guards that kept Tomi and his family in brutal captivity. Sixty-eight years later in 2013, Tomi speaks to schools all over Ireland about what he witnessed and how 35 members of his family were murdered in the Holocaust.

91 year-old Hilde (nee Lisiewicz) Michnia now lives quietly in Hamburg, a much loved mother and grandparent. After the war she became a devout Roman Catholic, where she is popular in her parish and community. She was found guilty of war crimes, but to this day insists she “did nothing wrong” and has nothing to apologise.

An RTÉ Radio interview lead Tomi to go in search of Hilde. Along the way he uncovers one of several dark secrets that Hilde has long hidden from family and friends. Tomi seeks neither to accuse nor to avenge. Will his quest end in rejection or redemption? These events are captured in Gerry Gregg’s documentary Close to Evil, which was premiered at the 2013 Galway Film Fleadh and was recently shown at the Irish Film Institute (IFI) as part of their Stranger than Fiction series.
http://www.ifi.ie/film/close-to-evil-dublin-premiere/

Click to access Till_the_Tenth_Generation.pdf

This is a summary of I Was a Boy in Belsen. Tomi Reichental with Nicola Pierce by Tomi Reichental.

Tomi Reichental, a survivor of the horrors of Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, visited St. Aidan’s to talk about his experiences at the hands of the Nazi regime during World War Two.

Seo físeán gairid de cuairt Tomi Reichental go dtí an scoil i 2014. Chaith Tomi tamall i gcampa géibhinn nuair a bhí sé an-óg. Labhair sé leis na daltaí faoin taithí a bhí aige ann agus faoin a shaol ina dhiaidh sin.

Is é seo fís faoi Tomi Reichental agus a chuntas faoi an dara cogadh domhanda agus an bhelach go cuireadh é féin agus 35 daoine eile ó a chlann i gcampa geibheann.

Tomi Reichental, who lost 35 members of his family in the Holocaust, gives his account of being imprisoned as a child at Belsen concentration camp During the Secound world War.His story is a story of the past. It is also a story for our times to learn from. The Holocaust reminds us of the dangers of racism and intolerance, providing lessons that are relevant today.

Tomi Reichental Speaks to Staff and Students at CBS Tramore

Tomi Reichental, one of only two holocaust survivors living in Ireland, has dedicated his time to speaking about his experience in schools. He is presented with the International Person of the Year.

WWI trench system unearthed in Cork

Saturday, January 24, 2015

Archaeologists at a military camp in Kilworth, North Cork, have discovered one of the largest and best preserved First World War underground bunker and trench systems ever built in Britain and Ireland. Picture: Fototeca Gilardi/Getty Sean O’Riordan

Archaeologists at a military camp in North Cork have discovered one of the largest and best preserved First World War underground bunker and trench systems ever built in Britain and Ireland.

Details of the find by a team from Queen’s University Belfast, revealed exclusively to the Irish Examiner, show the underground bunkers, built around 1915, could have accommodated sleeping quarters for up to 300 troops.

Academics specialising in archaeology and geology started out on their mission after acquiring historical maps which showed huge fortifications were built at Lynch Camp, Kilworth, shortly after the outbreak of the war.

After acquiring permission from the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces to visit the camp, located halfway between Fermoy and Mitchelstown, they carried out their first reconnaissance of the land in October 2013 and followed it up with a week-long detailed examination last July.

“We were just blown away with what we found. It is certainly the best preserved in Ireland and is so significant that it could be bigger than anything found in Salisbury Plain (a huge British Army training centre in Wiltshire, close to Stonehenge). It’s a really significant find,” said Dr Alistair Ruffell, a geology expert who was co-supervisor on the project.

He and his colleagues used ‘Time Team-type’ technology to work out what the underground fortifications consisted of.

Among the technology employed was aerial mapping, GPS, and geophysics, which is ground-penetrating radar.

It enabled the team to see the extent of the massive underground bunker and the trenches, which today are almost totally obscured by heather and gorse.

He estimates the fortifications ran for a couple of kilometres and that British Army engineers also constructed ‘enemy trenches’ on an elevated slope opposing them, which troops were then ordered to capture.

Dr Ruffell believes lookout towers, still present at the camp, were used by officers to direct their troops coming out of the bunkers onto enemy positions. The Germans were more technically adept at building bunkers and trenches early in the war.

Dr Ruffell said the Kilworth fortifications were built to show troops the reality of life in the trenches, as well as enabling them to carry out pre-battle training in conditions as realistic as they would meet at the front.

He said the ‘friendly trench’ was zig-zag and consisted of three forward machine-gun posts. If these posts were overrun, troops could retreat to the main trench which was linked to the underground chamber.

Troops training at the site “would sleep in the bunker on wooden beds and would cook food on little paraffin burners”.

He said the terrain in Kilworth was also ideal, because it was similar to many battlefield areas troops would later encounter on the Western Front.

The archaeologists have not conducted any excavations due to a risk of any unexploded shells buried there from that era, or from later on as Kilworth had been a military training camp from the late 1890s to the present day.

He credited the discovery to PhD student Heather Montgomery, who is enthralled by battlefield archaeology and persuaded her colleagues that an investigation of the Kilworth site might be worthwhile.

“It was quite emotional to be in the trenches, for obvious reasons. These were sometimes the last places the young men from Ireland practised in before they went, often to not return,” Dr Ruffell said.

A large British garrison barracks was built in the nearby town of Fermoy in 1806 and some of the soldiers trained there fought in the Battle of Waterloo, nine years later. Towards the end of that century, the British military identified Kilworth as an ideal training camp and purchased 14,000 acres of land there.

Firing ranges opened there in 1886, traces of which Dr Ruffell said still exist.

It became a significant training camp a few years later and a large number of soldiers who undertook manoeuvres had fought in the Second Boer War (1899-1902).

Some local families still possess remarkable pictures of huge columns of soldiers, numbering several thousand, marching along the former main Cork-Dublin road, close to the Moorepark agricultural research station, on their way to Fermoy following First World War training exercises in Kilworth.

The Department of Defence and the Defence Forces said they were happy to facilitate the archaeologists in their work. It is unclear, at present, what further research, if any, the archaeologists will undertake.

In recent years, the camp again become a significant training centre for the Defence Forces and a €1m state-of-the-art automated firing range, installed by Swedish company Saab, opened last year.

The camp has also been refurbished to accommodate 320 troops for exercises, at any one time, and possesses state-of-the-art catering and fitness facilities.

Around 4,500 members of the Defence Forces are assigned to Kilworth for training every year, including the Naval Service and the Ranger Wing.

© Irish Examiner Ltd. All rights reserved

Block 11 (KZ Auschwitz)

Blick auf Block 11 (links) von der rekonstruierten Schwarzen Wand aus (Aufnahme vom April 2014).

 Als Block 11 (bis August 1941 Block 13) oder Todesblock wird ein zweigeschossiges Backsteingebäude des Stammlagers des KZ Auschwitzbezeichnet, in dessen Kellergeschoss sich von Juli 1940 bis zur Evakuierung des Konzentrationslagers im Januar 1945 das Lagergefängnis befand. Die Häftlinge bezeichneten das Lagergefängnis als Bunker; offiziell hieß es Kommandanturarrest. Viele der dort inhaftierten Häftlinge starben aufgrund der inhumanen Haftbedingungen und Misshandlungen. Tausende Häftlinge wurden nach Bunkerselektionen und Polizeistandgerichtsverfahren vor der im Hof zwischen Block 10 und 11 befindlichen Schwarzen Wand erschossen. Im Herbst 1941 wurde im Keller des Blocks 11 die erste Massenvergasung von Menschen mit Zyklon B durchgeführt. Dem Block 11 als Gefängnis im Gefängnis kommt aufgrund dieser Sonderfunktionen eine besondere Bedeutung im Terrorsystem des KZ Auschwitz zu.

Die im Block 11 an Häftlingen begangenen Verbrechen waren auch Verfahrensgegenstand im ersten Frankfurter Auschwitzprozess. Heute ist der Block 11 Teil des Staatlichen Museums Auschwitz-Birkenau und für die Öffentlichkeit zugänglich. Eine wissenschaftliche Studie zum Block 11 liegt derzeit noch nicht vor.

Einrichtung, Aufbau und Funktion des Blocks

Block 11 und der Hof zum Block 10 mit der Schwarzen Wand im Jahr 2000

Transportabler Galgen, heute in Block 11 ausgestellt

 Ab Juli 1940 wurden zunehmend Gebäude der ehemaligen polnischen Artilleriekaserne in Oświęcim für den Ausbau des zwei Monate zuvor dort eingerichteten KZ Auschwitz genutzt. Dazu wurden in der alten Kaserne, die teils von einer Mauer umgeben war, 18 Backsteingebäude zum Teil aufgestockt.^[1] Ein am südwestlichen Eck des Lagerareals gelegener Backsteinbau mit ziegelgedecktem Walmdach wurde in diesem Zuge für den Lagerarrest und Sonderfunktionen verwendet.^[2] Dieser Block wurde zunächst als Block 13 und nach der Lagererweiterung ab August 1941 (wahrscheinlich 9. August 1941) als Block 11 bezeichnet.^[3]

Dieses Gebäude verfügte neben einem Erd- und Obergeschoss auch über einen Dachboden sowie ein Kellergeschoss, das als Lagerarrest genutzt wurde.^[2] Seitens der Häftlinge wurde das Gebäude auch Todesblock (polnisch: Blok Smierci) genannt, da eine Einweisung in den Lagerarrest häufig zum Tod des betreffenden Häftlings führte.^[4] Die Fenster des Blocks waren vergittert.^[5] Im Kellergeschoss befanden sich lediglich winzige Fenster an vorgelagerten Lichtschächten, durch die Tageslicht einfallen und Luft einströmen konnte.^[6] Im Obergeschoss des Blocks wurden die Fenster später bis auf einen kleinen Spalt zugemauert.^[5]

Der Hof zwischen Block 11 und Block 10 mit der Schwarzen Wand war an den Stirnseiten der beiden parallel zueinander stehenden Gebäude mit hohen Backsteinmauern eingesäumt und damit sichtgeschützt. An der dem Lagerbereich zugewandten Hofseite befand sich ein massives und aus zwei Flügeln bestehendes Holztor mit verschließbarer Sichtklappe, das von innen verriegelt war. Neben der Schwarzen Wand, an der tausende Häftlinge mittels Kleinkalibergewehr durch Genickschuss ermordet wurden, befanden sich auf dem Hof auch zwei „transportable“ Galgen zur Hinrichtung von Häftlingen sowie mehrere Pfähle zum Vollzug der Strafe des Pfahlbindens.^[7]

Lage des Blocks 11 im Bereich des Stammlagers

Der über wenige Steinstufen erreichbare Haupteingang des Blocks lag an der Stirnseite des Gebäudes in Richtung Lagerstraße. Rechts neben dem Haupteingang befand sich ein kleines schwarzes Schild mit der Blocknummer. Die Eingangstür am Haupteingang verfügte über eine kleine Klappe, durch die einzulassende Personen von dem diensthabenden Blockführer überprüft wurden. Innerhalb des Lagers war Block 11 streng isoliert und stets verschlossen. Lediglich der Lagerkommandant, der Schutzhaftlagerführer, die Rapportführer, der Leiter und die Referatsleiter der so genannten Politischen Abteilung (Lagergestapo) sowie die in diesem Block untergebrachten Funktionshäftlinge hatten Zugang zu diesem Block.^[8] Aufgrund der Sicherungsmaßnahmen war eine Flucht aus Block 11 praktisch ausgeschlossen.

Erdgeschoss

Vom Haupteingang aus teilte ein breiter Hauptgang das Erdgeschoss des Blockes in zwei Hälften. Rechts vom Haupteingang aus gesehen befand sich zunächst das Dienstzimmer des Blockführers. In den folgenden Zimmern befanden sich Stuben der im Block 11 eingesetzten Funktionshäftlinge (Blockschreiber, Blockältester etc.). In der Mitte des Blocks führte vom Hauptgang aus ein Flur zum Seitenausgang des Blocks, durch den der Hof betreten werden konnte. Des Weiteren befanden sich im Erdgeschoss u.a. noch Wasch- und Latrinenräume.^[9]

Dachboden und Obergeschoss

Im Obergeschoss beziehungsweise auf dem Dachboden befanden sich anfangs die Räumlichkeiten der Strafkompanie (1940/42) und jene der nur wenige Monate bestehenden Erziehungskompanie.^[10] Zeitweilig waren im Obergeschoss in das Lager neu eingewiesene Häftlinge untergebracht wie auch kurz vor der Entlassung stehende Insassen sowie inhaftierte SS-Angehörige.^[11]

Zellenbau

Der Zellenbau war nur über das Erdgeschoss durch ein ständig verschlossenes Eisengitter erreichbar. Das Kellergeschoss war wie das Erd- und Obergeschoss durch einen breiten Hauptgang geteilt, der durch zwei Gittertüren unterteilt war. Auf der von der Lagerstraße aus gesehen linken Hälfte befanden sich die Zellen 1 bis 14 und rechts die Zellen 15 bis 28.^[12] Laut dem Blockschreiber Jan Pilecki waren die Zellen 1 bis 7 für weibliche Häftlinge vorgesehen.^[13] Außer mit KZ-Häftlingen wurden einige Zellen mit Polizeihäftlingen, Zivilisten und zuvor in SS-Diensten stehenden ukrainischen Nationalisten belegt.^[14] Prominente Häftlinge wurden in Zelle 21 eingesperrt. In Zelle 22 befanden sich vier Stehzellen, weitere Zellen dienten als Dunkelzellen.^[13]

Lagerarrest

Das Kellergeschoss des Blocks wurde ab Ende 1940 zu einem Lagerarrest ausgebaut.^[15] Bereits ab Juli 1940 wurden jedoch erstmals Häftlinge in den Lagerarrest des Blocks eingewiesen.^[16] Offiziell wurde der Arrestbereich als Kommandanturarrest bezeichnet.^[17] Inoffiziell nannten die Häftlinge diesen Zellenbau Bunker.^[13]

Einweisende Instanzen, Haftgründe und Strafzumessung

Das Lagergefängnis war offiziell der Lagerkommandantur (Abteilung 1) zugeordnet. Die Einweisung eines Häftlings in den Lagerarrest konnten jedoch neben dem Lagerkommandanten auch der Schutzhaftlagerführer oder insbesondere der Leiter der Politischen Abteilung verfügen.^[2] Die Häftlinge wurden in der Regel zum Vollzug des Lagerarrests durch den diensthabenden Blockführer oder Angehörige der Politischen Abteilung zum Block 11 verbracht. Äußerst selten wurden Häftlinge auch durch Funktionshäftlinge zu Block 11 geführt und dort dem Blockführer übergeben, beispielsweise bei „aggressiven Ausschweifungen“ homosexueller Häftlinge. Solche Einweisungen wurden am Folgetag durch den Lagerkommandant autorisiert.^[18] Einweisungsgründe waren beispielsweise:

• Sabotage oder Verdacht auf Sabotage.^[19]
• Teilnahme am Lagerwiderstand oder der Verdacht darauf^[19]
• Kontakt mit der Zivilbevölkerung oder entsprechender Verdacht^[19]
• Besitz von Lebensmitteln, Wertgegenständen u.a. Dingen, die ins Lager geschmuggelt wurden^[19]
• Vorbereitung einer Flucht, Fluchthilfe, Fluchtversuche oder ein entsprechender Verdacht sowie gescheiterte Fluchten^[19]
• Verstöße gegen die Lagerordnung wie Diebstahl und weitere Vergehen im Sinne der Lager-SS^[11]

Die Strafzumessung, ob und wie lange ein Häftling in die Arrestzellen oder eine Dunkel- oder Stehzelle eingeschlossen wurde, hing von der Schwere des Vergehens ab.^[19] Die Häftlinge wurden in der Regel zwischen 3 und 27 Tagen in den Arrest eingewiesen, in Einzelfällen aber auch kürzer oder länger.^[20] Zwei Häftlinge waren sogar 260 beziehungsweise 210 Tage im Bunker eingesperrt.^[21] Die Lagergestapo holte Häftlinge, die von der Politischen Abteilung eingewiesen worden waren, oft für „verschärfte“ Vernehmungen ab und misshandelte sie dabei schwer. Manche Häftlinge überlebten diese Folter nicht.^[22] Einige Bunkerinsassen verübten während ihrer Haft aus Verzweiflung Suizid.^[23]

Vom Hauptgang gingen zwei schmale parallel zueinander liegende Seitengänge ab. Über kleinere Flure war der Zugang zu den insgesamt 28 Arrestzellen zusätzlich gesichert. Die schweren Zellentüren waren mit Stahlbeschlägen verstärkt und mit einem Türspion ausgestattet.^[11] An den Zellentüren wurden Karten mit Personalien der Insassen befestigt, eine ständig zu aktualisierende Übersichtstafel mit den im Bunker einsitzenden Häftlingen befand sich ab 1943 im Dienstzimmer des Blockführers.^[24] In den Zellen befanden sich lediglich Holzpritschen und ein Zinkeimer für die Notdurft.^[19]

Stehzellen

Zelle 22. Im Hintergrund ist der Eingang zu einer Stehzelle sichtbar.

 Nachdem Hans Aumeier Anfang Februar 1942 den Posten des Schutzhaftlagerführers im Stammlager übernommen hatte, wurde verschärfte Dunkelhaft im Stehbunker als Strafmaßnahme eingeführt. In die Zelle 22 des Lagerarrests wurden mittels Trennwänden vier kleine Stehzellen mit einer Grundfläche von 90cm x 90cm eingerichtet. Nach Zeugenberichten wurde eine Stehzelle mit bis zu vier Häftlingen belegt, so dass Hinsetzen oder gar Liegen unmöglich war. Der Zugang zur Zelle erfolgte über eine kleine Öffnung am Boden, durch die der Häftling kriechen musste. Nach Eintritt des Häftlings in den Stehbunker wurde die Zelle durch eine mit Eisenbeschlägen verstärkte Holztür gesichert. Da nur durch eine fünf Quadratzentimeter kleine Öffnung Frischluft in die Zelle gelangen konnte, drohte bei dieser Strafe den Häftlingen auch der Erstickungstod. An der Außenwand des Blocks 11 war diese Öffnung mit einer Metallblende abgedeckt. Diese Strafe wurde in der Regel nachts vollzogen, teils mehr als zehn Nächte lang, tagsüber mussten die Häftlinge Zwangsarbeit leisten. Die dort inhaftierten Häftlinge erhielten während der gesamten Strafdauer in der Regel keine Verpflegung. In Einzelfällen wurden Häftlinge auch ununterbrochen für mehrere Tage in die Stehzelle gesperrt.^[25] Zudem erhielten die Häftlinge in diesem Fall weder Nahrung noch Wasser und starben an den Folgen der Folter.^[11]

Dunkel- und Hungerzellen

Kerze in der Todeszelle Maximilian Kolbes, ein Geschenk von PapstJohannes Paul II. (18. Juli 2005)

 Dunkelhaft wurde in den Zellen 7, 9 und zeitweise auch 8 und 20 vollzogen.^[19] Statt Fenstern befanden sich dort wie in den Stehzellen ebenfalls nur kleine Luftöffnungen, die von außen durch korbähnliche Blechblenden abgedeckt waren.^[26] In den Zellen befanden sich lediglich Kübel zur Verrichtung der Notdurft, die dort eingewiesenen Häftlinge mussten auf dem Betonfußboden schlafen. Diese Strafe wurde in einem Zeitraum von einigen Tagen bis zu mehreren Wochen vollzogen. Bei Überbelegung des Arrests wurden die Dunkelzellen auch als Stehzellen verwendet.^[19]

In einigen Fällen dienten Arrestzellen auch als Hungerzellen. Diese Strafe drohte geflüchteten Häftlingen, Fluchthelfern oder auch Geiseln, die zur Abschreckung anstelle der Flüchtigen bestraft wurden. Bekanntestes Opfer in einer Hungerzelle war der polnische Franziskaner-Minorit und Auschwitzhäftling Maximilian Kolbe, der am 29. Juli 1941 mit 14 weiteren Häftlingen zur Vergeltung einer erfolgreichen Flucht aus dem Lager zum Hungertod verurteilt wurde. Kolbe stellte sich dem Schutzhaftlagerführer Karl Fritzsch für den zunächst auch ausgesuchten Häftling Franciszek Gajowniczek zur Verfügung, der aufgrund des ihm bevorstehenden Schicksals sehr verzweifelt war. Fritzsch akzeptierte diesen Austausch und Kolbe wurde mit den 14 weiteren Geiseln in die Zelle 18 gesperrt. Nachdem Kolbe bis zum 14. August 1941 im Hungerbunker gelitten und das Sterben seiner Leidensgenossen erlebt hatte, wurde er durch Injektion einer Phenolspritze ermordet.^[27][28]

Bunkerräumungen

Bei Überfüllung des Bunkers wurden auf Initiative des Leiters der Politischen Abteilung, Maximilian Grabner, und des jeweiligen Schutzhaftlagerführers in regelmäßigen Abständen sogenannte Bunkerentleerungen beziehungsweise Bunkerräumungen durchgeführt. Dabei wurden Häftlinge zur Exekution an der Schwarzen Wand ausgewählt. Grabner nannte diese Selektionen, die Platz für neue Insassen schaffen sollten, auch „Bunkerausstauben“. Dabei suchten die Angehörigen der Lager-SS die ihrer Ansicht nach todeswürdigsten Opfer aus, die nach einem kurzen Scheinverfahren zum Tod verurteilt wurden. Die Todeskandidaten mussten sich in den Waschräumen entkleiden, erhielten mit Kopierstift Nummern auf den nackten Körper geschrieben und wurden dann nacheinander in Zweiergruppen an der Schwarzen Wand exekutiert, wobei sie die auf dem Hof aufgestapelten Leichen der bereits Hingerichteten sahen.^[29]

Diese willkürlichen Exekutionen waren selbst nach den Vorschriften des NS-Staates rechtswidrig, da die Angehörigen der Lager-SS nicht eigenmächtig und ohne Befehl von höherer Stelle wie beispielsweise des Reichssicherheitshauptamts (RSHA) über den Tod von Häftlingen entscheiden durften.^[30] Die Mordopfer wurden deswegen als „im Häftlingskrankenbau verstorben“ geführt.^[31]

Bunkerbuch

Seite des Bunkerbuchs

 Vom 9. Januar 1941 bis zum 1. Februar 1944 wurde durch den jeweiligen Blockschreiber zunächst inoffiziell das sogenannte Bunkerbuch geführt, in welchem während dieses Zeitraums in den Block 11 eingewiesene Häftlinge verzeichnet wurden. Neben dem vollständigen Namen wurden Häftlingskategorie, Häftlingsnummer, Geburtsdatum sowie der Geburtsort, Haftgrund, Einlieferungs- und Entlassungs- oder Todeszeitpunkt angegeben. Aufgrund von Abweichungen bei den Angaben der einsitzenden Häftlingen und den Aufzeichnungen im zunächst vom Blockführer offiziell geführten Bunkerbuch begann Blockschreiber Franciszek Brol, heimlich ein eigenes Bunkerbuch zu führen um seine eigene Position nicht zu gefährden und um die Verbrechen zu dokumentieren. Nachdem während eines Häftlingsappells im März 1941 die Aufzeichnungen des offiziellen Bunkerbuchs nicht mit der festgestellten Blockstärke übereingestimmt hatten, konnte Brol mit seinen eigenen Angaben die korrekte Belegstärke des Blocks nachweisen. Daher wurde das von Brol angelegte und später durch seine Nachfolger weitergeführte Bunkerbuch von der Lager-SS stillschweigend anerkannt. Das Bunkerbuch bestand aus zwei fortlaufenden Bänden: Der 146 Seiten umfassende Band 1 wurde bis zum 31. März 1943 geführt; in ihm sind 1190 Häftlinge (darunter vier Doppelnennungen und ein Zivilist) verzeichnet. Der zweite Band mit 68 Seiten enthält Informationen über 952 Häftlinge. Pilecki fertigte von den beiden Bunkerbüchern Abschriften und es gelang, das Original des ersten Bandes sowie eine Kopie des zweiten über Jozef Cyrankiewicz aus dem Lager herauszubringen.^[32]

Aus dem Bunkerbuch ergibt sich unter anderem, dass während dieses Zeitraums 814 Häftlinge durch die Politische Abteilung und 335 durch den Schutzhaftlagerführer in den Lagerarrest eingewiesen wurden.^[32] Die Zahl der im Bunkerbuch verzeichneten Häftlinge stimmt jedoch nicht mit der tatsächlichen Zahl der in den Lagerarrest eingewiesenen Häftlinge überein, da es neben einer falsch eingetragenen Zivilperson in vier Fällen zu Doppelnennungen kam und mehrere Eintragungen die wiederholte Einweisung eines Häftlings in den Bunker anführen: Jeweils ein Häftling war sieben beziehungsweise sechsmal im Bunker eingesperrt, drei Häftlinge fünfmal (darunter Josef Windeck), vier Häftlinge viermal, 17 Häftlinge dreimal (darunter Bruno Brodniewicz, der Lagerälteste mit der Häftlingsnummer 1) und 101 Häftlinge zweimal.^[33] Der Nationalität nach wurden in den Bunkerbüchern folgende Häftlingsgruppen angeführt (mehr als 15 Nennungen von 2137, insgesamt 1261 ohne Angabe der Nationalität): 422 Polen, 175 Deutsche und Österreicher, 82 „Zigeuner“ und 61 Tschechen. Jüdische Häftlinge wurden in diesem Zusammenhang nach ihrer Nationalität oder unter der Rubrik „ohne Angabe“ erfasst.^[34]Über die Hälfte der im Bunkerbuch verzeichneten 2137 Angaben zu Häftlingen umfassten nach Kennzeichnungen sogenannte politische Häftlinge (1241) und des Weiteren (mehr als 100 Nennungen) Juden (286), in Polizeiliche Vorbeugehaft genommene (auch als Berufsverbrecher oder befristete Vorbeugehäftlinge bezeichnet) (259) sowie sogenannte Asoziale.^[35] Die meisten Bunkerinsassen waren zwischen 30 und 50 Jahre (967) beziehungsweise zwischen 21 und 30 Jahre alt (712).^[36] In Ausnahmefällen wurden auch Jugendliche unter 16 Jahren und alte Menschen in den Bunker eingewiesen. Der jüngste Bunkerinsasse war ein dreizehnjähriger polnischer Junge und der Älteste ein 75-jähriger Greis; beide wurden 1943 erschossen.^[37] 142 Häftlinge wurden nach dem Arrest in die Strafkompanie überwiesen; mindestens 807 Häftlinge haben den Bunker nicht überlebt.^[32] Die tatsächliche Anzahl der Todesopfer ist jedoch nicht nur aufgrund der zeitlich begrenzten Eintragungen im Bunkerbuch höher anzusetzen: Zur Strafe Stehbunker verurteilte Häftlinge, weibliche Häftlinge, Polizeihäftlinge, an der Schwarzen Wand hingerichtete Häftlinge aus dem Lager, sowjetische Kriegsgefangene, ukrainische Nationalisten vom Unternehmen Zeppelin, Zivilarbeiter sowie SS-Angehörige wurden nicht im Bunkerbuch vermerkt.^[38] Etliche Eintragungen verschleiern das Schicksal von Bunkerinsassen, und auch die an den Folgen ihrer Bunkerhaft im Lager verstorbenen Häftlinge sind dort nicht erfasst.^[39] Der österreichische Generalmajor Josef Stochmal, als Sonderhäftling in Zelle 21 inhaftiert und 1942 hingerichtet, war aus Geheimhaltungsgründen ebenfalls nicht verzeichnet.^[38]

Das Original des ersten Bunkerbuchs sowie die Kopie des zweiten sind erhalten geblieben.^[40] Die Bunkerbücher werden im Archiv des Staatlichen Museums Auschwitz-Birkenau aufbewahrt.^[15]

Bunkeramnestie

Nachdem Arthur Liebehenschel im November 1943 Rudolf Höß als Lagerkommandant nachfolgte, räumte er in seiner sechsmonatigen Dienstzeit der Arbeitskrafterhaltung von Häftlingen höchste Priorität ein. Unter seiner Lagerkommandantur verbesserten sich die Verhältnisse für die KZ-Häftlinge im Lager. Liebehenschel erließ im Stammlager unter anderem ein Prügelverbot, tauschte brutale Kapos aus, verfügte die Einstellung von Bunkerräumungen und die anschließenden Erschießungen, befahl die Entfernung der Stehzellen und erließ eine generelle Bunkeramnestie für die einsitzenden Häftlinge.^[41] Im Frühjahr 1944 wurden jene Bunkerinsassen, die auf Weisung der Politischen Abteilung oder Schutzhaftlagerführung in den Bunker eingewiesen worden waren, in das Obergeschoss von Block 11 zur Entlassung in das Lager oder andere Konzentrationslager überstellt.^[34]

Auf seine Weisung hin wurde auch die Schwarze Wand abgebaut. Die Erschießungen wurden jedoch im Krematorium IV fortgeführt.^[42] Des Weiteren schränkte er den Einfluss der Politischen Abteilung ein und ließ deren bekannte Häftlingsspitzel Anfang Februar 1944 in das KZ Flossenbürg überstellen. An diesen Maßnahmen hatten der SS-Standortarzt Eduard Wirths und der mit ihm in Verbindung stehende Lagerwiderstand erheblichen Anteil.^[41] Nachdem Liebehenschel im Mai 1944 in das KZ Majdanek versetzt worden war, verschlechterten sich unter seinem Nachfolger Richard Baer die Verhältnisse im Lager wieder. Viele der von Liebehenschel verfügten Neuerungen wurden zurückgenommen.^[43]

Erste Massenvergasung in den Bunkerzellen des Blocks 11

Substrat: „Erco-Würfel“ Zyklon B

 Der Schutzhaftlagerführer Karl Fritzsch erprobte im Spätsommer 1941 erstmals die Methode, zum Tode bestimmte sowjetische Kriegsgefangene mittels Zyklon B zu töten, das ansonsten zum Entlausen von Häftlingskleidung benutzt wurde. Während dieser ersten „experimentellen Vergasung“ im Keller des Blocks 11 befand sich der Lagerkommandant Höß nicht in Auschwitz.^[44] Das genaue Datum ist nicht bekannt. Frühestens wird der 15. August 1941 angenommen, spätestens wird sogar Anfang Dezember 1941 angesetzt. Die meisten wissenschaftlichen Darstellungen nennen jedoch für die darauf folgende erste Massenvergasung in Anwesenheit von Höß den 5./6. September 1941.^[45] Nach Danuta Czech lief die erste Massenvergasung folgendermaßen ab:^[46]

Fritzsch wies die aus dem Bunker entlassenen Häftlinge sowie die Häftlinge der Strafkompanie an, das Erd- und Obergeschoss von Block 11 zu räumen und Pritschen etc. auf den Dachboden zu bringen. Die Häftlinge wurden am Abend dieses Tages in den noch im Bau befindlichen Block 5a eingewiesen.

Am folgenden Tag wurden aus dem Häftlingskrankenbau des Stammlagers etwa 250 kranke Häftlinge durch den SS-Standortarzt Siegfried Schwela selektiert und in das Kellergeschoss des Blocks 11 verbracht. Auch etwa 600 sowjetische Kriegsgefangene, überwiegend Offiziere und Politkommissare, wurden in die Arrestzellen des Bunkers getrieben. Sie waren zuvor aufgrund des auf dem Kommissarbefehl basierenden Einsatzbefehls Nr. 8 vom 17. Juli 1941^[47] aus Kriegsgefangenenlagern selektiert und zur Exekution bestimmt worden. Die Fensterschächte der Kellerräume des Blocks 11 wurden mit Erde zugeschüttet. Unmittelbar vor dem Verschließen und Abdichten der Türen warfen Angehörige der Lager-SS am Abend, nach einer Lagersperre, Zyklon B in die Räume.

In den Morgenstunden des darauffolgenden Tages schloss der durch eine Gasmaske geschützte Rapportführer Gerhard Palitzsch die Zellentüren auf und stellte fest, dass nicht alle Opfer tot waren. Anschließend wurde erneut Zyklon B in die Zellen eingeworfen und die Türen wurden wieder verschlossen. Nachmittags wurde festgestellt, dass alle Häftlinge und Kriegsgefangenen tot waren. Zur Nacht wurde erneut eine Lagersperre angeordnet. Nachdem sich das Gas weitestgehend verflüchtigt hatte, wurden Häftlinge (insbesondere aus der Strafkompanie und aus dem Häftlingskrankenbau), die unter Androhung der Todesstrafe zur strengsten Geheimhaltung verpflichtet worden waren, zur Sonderarbeit auf den Hof zwischen Block 10 und Block 11 geführt. Dort befanden sich bereits die leitenden Angehörigen der Lager-SS Fritzsch, Palitzsch, Schwela, Maier sowie mehrere Blockführer. Eine mit Gasmasken ausgestattete Häftlingsgruppe musste die Leichen der Vergasten vom Keller- ins Erdgeschoss tragen, eine zweite dort die Leichen bis auf die Unterhose entkleiden, eine dritte die Leichen vom Erdgeschoss auf den Hof tragen und eine vierte die Leichen auf bereitstehende Rollwagen laden. Währenddessen wurde die Kleidung der Toten unter Aufsicht von Angehörigen der Lager-SS nach Wertgegenständen durchsucht und das Zahngold entfernt. Die mit Leichen beladenen Rollwagen wurden zum Krematorium gebracht. Dieser Vorgang konnte bis zum Morgengrauen nicht abgeschlossen werden und am Abend des 5. September musste dieselbe Häftlingsgruppe nach wiederholter Lagersperre den Leichentransport zum Krematorium beenden. Aufgrund der hohen Anzahl von Leichen dauerte die Kremierung mehrere Tage.^[48]

Der Lagerkommandant Rudolf Höß schrieb in seinen Aufzeichnungen zu dem ersten Massenmord mit Zyklon B im Block 11:

„Die Vergasung wurde in den Arrestzellen des Blocks 11 durchgeführt. Ich selbst habe mir die Tötung, durch eine Gasmaske geschützt, angesehen. Der Tod erfolgte in den vollgepfropften Zellen sofort nach Einwurf. Nur ein kurzes, schon fast ersticktes Schreien, und schon war es vorüber. So recht zum Bewusstsein ist mir diese erste Vergasung von Menschen nicht gekommen, ich war vielleicht zu sehr von dem ganzen Vorgang überhaupt beeindruckt. Stärker erinnerlich ist mir die bald darauf erfolgte Vergasung von 900 Russen im alten Krematorium, da die Benutzung des Blocks 11 zuviel Umstände erforderlich machte.“^[49]

Polizeistandgericht

Warteraum der Polizeihäftlinge in Block 11

 Der erste Raum links nach dem Haupteingang diente als Warteraum für Polizeihäftlinge, die durch das ab 1943 in der Schreibstube von Block 11 tagende Standgericht der Staatspolizeileitstelle Kattowitz abgeurteilt wurden. Den Vorsitz dieses ein- bis zweimal monatlich einberufenen Standgerichts übernahm der Leiter der örtlichen Gestapo, zunächst bis September 1943 Rudolf Mildner und anschließend Johannes Thümmler. Des Weiteren gehörte dem Tribunal u.a. der Leiter der Politischen Abteilung im KZ Auschwitz sowie dessen Mitarbeiter der Vernehmungsabteilung und der Lagerkommandant beziehungsweise der Schutzhaftlagerführer an.^[50] Polen, die beispielsweise wegen Widerstandstätigkeit gegen die deutschen Besatzer oder aufgrund anderer „Vergehen“ wie Schmuggeln durch Beamte der örtlichen Gestapo verhaftet worden waren, wurden aus den Polizeigefängnissen zu ihrer Aburteilung ohne Registrierung als Häftling in den Block 11 verbracht.^[51] Auch sogenannte Volksdeutsche und bereits ins Lager eingewiesene Häftlinge befanden sich unter den Angeklagten. Die „Geständnisse“ der beschuldigten Männer und Frauen lagen bereits vor.^[52]

Der Blockschreiber und Auschwitzüberlebende Jan Pilecki berichtete im Zuge des ersten Frankfurter Auschwitzprozesses, dass pro Sitzung etwa 100 Fälle mit bis zu 200 Angeklagten in 60 bis 90 Minuten verhandelt wurden. Die Angeklagten mussten auf dem Korridor auf ihre Verhandlung warten und wurden nach einer Liste aufgerufen. Fast alle Beschuldigten wurden zum Tode verurteilt und vor der Schwarzen Wand exekutiert, nur wenige wurden ins Konzentrationslager eingewiesen.^[51]

Blockführer

Im Block 11 verrichteten die Blockführer beziehungsweise deren Stellvertreter im Schichtsystem 24 Stunden am Tag ihren Dienst zur Überwachung der in Block 11 einsitzenden Häftlinge.^[10] In diesem Zusammenhang hatte der Blockführer im Wesentlichen folgende Aufgaben:

• Ein- und Auslasskontrolle zum Block 11^[8]
• Kontrolle der Gesamtanzahl der in Block 11 einsitzenden Häftlinge^[53] (Stärkemeldung)
• Begleitung von Häftlingen aus dem Lagerbereich in den Block 11^[54]
• Konfiszierung des Eigentums der in den Block 11 eingewiesenen Häftlinge^[54]
• Führung des Bunkerbuchs (für in Block 11 eingewiesene SS-Angehörige wurde ein eigenes Bunkerbuch geführt)^[54]
• Verbringung des Häftlings in den ihm zugewiesenen Zellenbereich^[54] und Vollzug der befohlenen Behandlungsweise (insbesondere Einzelhaft, Fesselung, Stehbunker, Dunkelhaft, Nahrungsentzug)^[55]
• Überwachung der Reinigung des Lagerarrests und der Essensausgabe^[54]
• Begleitung von Häftlingen aus dem Arrest zum Verhör in der Politischen Abteilung^[54]
• Aufbewahrung des Bunkerschlüssels^[54]
• Teilnahme an Zellenkontrollen^[54]
• Entlassungen aus dem Lagerarrest^[54]
• Vollzug der Prügelstrafe (Korridor und Blockführerzimmer) und des Pfahlbindens (Dachboden) in Block 11^[54][56]
• Teilnahme an der Erschießung von Häftlingen an der Schwarzen Wand^[54]

Namentlich bekannte Blockführer waren folgende Angehörige der Lager-SS: Reinhard Eberle (1942–1944), Georg Engelschall (1941), Wilhelm Gehring (1941–1942), Ernst Kroh (1942–1943), Otto Lätsch (1943), Kurt Hugo Müller (1943), Otto Ogurek (1943), Bruno Schlage (1942–1943), Karl Seufert (1941), Heinz Villain (1941).^[8] Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch und Jan Pilecki nennen darüber hinaus noch Ludwig Plagge sowie Kurt Gerlach, Werner Kleinmann und Gustav Schulz.^[12] Zusätzlich war ein Mitglied der Politischen Abteilung zur Beaufsichtigung der Polizeihäftlinge in Block 11 abgestellt, der auch die Sitzungen des Polizeistandgerichts vorbereitete. Diese Aufgabe übernahm der SS-Mann Willi Florschütz.^[8]

Funktionshäftlinge

Unter den in Block 11 eingesetzten Häftlingen bekleideten insbesondere die jeweiligen Blockältesten und Blockschreiber wichtige Funktionen. Der Blockälteste war in diesem Block für das Erd- und Obergeschoss zuständig und hatte insbesondere beim Appell die Gesamtzahl der in Block 11 befindlichen Häftlinge zu melden.^[53] Des Weiteren oblag ihm anfangs die Aufsicht über die bis 1942 im Block 11 befindliche Strafkompanie. Die Funktion des Blockältesten bekleideten unter anderem Ernst Krankemann, Johannes (Hans) Krümmel und Franz Teresiak.^[54]

Der Blockschreiber hatte alle Schreibarbeiten zur Überwachung der in Block 11 befindlichen Häftlinge auszuführen und insbesondere die Blockmeldungen schriftlich festhalten.^[53]Namentlich bekannte Blockschreiber in Block 11, die auch das Bunkerbuch führten, waren nacheinander die polnischen Häftlinge Franciszek Brol, Gerard Włoch und Jan Pilecki.^[32] Die Funktionshäftlinge in Block 11 verfügten neben anderen Privilegien über eine relative Bewegungsfreiheit im Lager. Sie waren im Gegensatz zu anderen Häftlingen weniger Schikanen ausgesetzt und hatten daher wesentlich bessere Überlebensbedingungen.^[53]

Im Bunker war ein als Kalfaktor bezeichneter Kapo eingesetzt, dessen Aufgabenbereich sich auf den Lagerarrest erstreckte.^[57] Die Regelaufgaben des Bunkerkalfaktors umfassten neben dem Auf- und Abschließen der Zellen und der Essensausgabe an einsitzende Häftlinge auch die Reinigung des Zellenbaus.^[58] Des Weiteren hatte er die Leichen der im Lagerarrest verstorbenen Häftlinge aus der Zelle zum Eingang des Zellenbaus zu tragen, von wo diese durch Leichenträger aus dem Häftlingskrankenbau weggeschafft wurden.^[54] Der Bunkerkalfaktor wurde bei seinen Aufgaben durch einen Gehilfen unterstützt. Bei Zellenkontrollen mussten sie manchmal zwischen Lager-SS und Bunkerinsassen dolmetschen.^[54]

Bekannt wurde der als Bunkerjakob bezeichnete jüdische Häftling Jakob Gorzelezyk (oft fälschlich Kozelczuk geschrieben), der am 26. Januar 1943 mit einem aus 2300 Juden bestehenden Transport im KZ Auschwitz ankam und als einer der Wenigen für Zwangsarbeit im Lager selektiert wurde; 2107 Menschen dieses Deportationszuges wurden umgehend in den Gaskammern ermordet.^[59] Gorzelezyk wurde von dem Auschwitzüberlebenden Filip Müller als außergewöhnlich starker und sehr muskulöser Hüne geschildert, der aufgrund seiner außergewöhnlichen Kraft als Kalfaktor im Bunker des Blocks 11 eingesetzt wurde.^[60] Vor Gorzelezyk hatten zunächst der deutsche Kurt Pennewitz und danach der polnische Häftling Hans Musioł die Aufgaben des Bunkerkalfaktors beziehungsweise Bunkerkapos übernommen.^[54]

Der Auschwitzüberlebende und zeitweilige Bunkerinsasse Hermann Langbein charakterisiert Gorzelezyk auf vier Seiten in dem von ihm verfassten Buch „Menschen in Auschwitz“.^[58]Gorzelezyk oblag über dessen Regelaufgaben hinaus die Begleitung von Hinrichtungskandidaten zur Schwarzen Wand und das Festhalten der Opfer während ihrer Erschießung.^[60] Er wurde von der Lager-SS gezwungen, bei den Bunkerräumungen zu assistieren, an Häftlingen die Prügelstrafe zu vollziehen beziehungsweise auch auf dem Appellplatz Erhängungen vorzunehmen. Gorzelezyk wurde von vielen Auschwitzüberlebenden dennoch als außerordentlich hilfsbereit beschrieben, da er beispielsweise die Prügelstrafe im Gegensatz zu Angehörigen der Lager-SS schonend vollzog, Nachrichten von Bunkerinsassen an andere Gefangene im Zellenbau übermittelte, Gefolterte pflegte sowie Gefangene mit Nahrungsmitteln versorgte. Der Bunkerjakob hätte so im Rahmen seiner Möglichkeiten konspirativ wertvolle Hilfe geleistet.^[58]

Befreiung

Am 27. Januar 1945 wurde das weitgehend geräumte KZ Auschwitz von den sowjetischen Truppen der 322. Infanteriedivision der 1. Ukrainische Front befreit. In Erinnerung an die Befreiung ist am 27. Januar der Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, der in Deutschland seit 1996 ein bundesweiter, gesetzlich verankerter Gedenktag ist und von den Vereinten Nationen im Jahr 2005 zum Internationalen Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Holocaust erklärt wurde.

Juristische Aufarbeitung

Noch zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus wurde 1943 gegen den Leiter der Politischen Abteilung Grabner ein Ermittlungsverfahren durch den SS-Richter Konrad Morgen eingeleitet.^[61] Der gegen ihn im Oktober 1943 vor dem SS- und Polizeigericht Weimar geführte Prozess, insbesondere wegen Mordes in 2000 Fällen im Rahmen der Bunkerräumungen, wurde jedoch nicht abgeschlossen.^[30] Auch gegen den Lagerkommandanten Höß und die Schutzhaftlagerführer Aumeier sowie Schwarz wurden Ermittlungen aufgenommen, jedoch nicht zum Abschluss gebracht.^[62]

Nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges wurden Aumeier und Grabner im Krakauer Auschwitzprozess wegen in Auschwitz begangener Verbrechen zum Tode verurteilt und im Januar 1948 hingerichtet, letzterer „wegen Mordes an mindestens 25.000 Häftlingen“.^[63] Höß und Schwarz waren zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits im Frühjahr 1947 im ehemaligen Stammlager beziehungsweise in Sandweier hingerichtet worden.

Die Bunkerräumungen und Exekutionen im Zusammenhang mit den in Block 11 begangenen Verbrechen waren gewichtige Verfahrensgegenstände während des ersten Frankfurter Auschwitzprozesses; entsprechende Tatvorwürfe wurden gegen folgende Angeklagte erhoben: Wilhelm Boger, Pery Broad, Klaus Dylewski, Franz Johann Hofmann sowie Bruno Schlage.^[64] Während dieses Prozesses fand vom 14. bis zum 16. Dezember 1964 eine von der Presse viel beachtete Besichtigung des Tatortes Auschwitz statt, an der neben einem Richter und drei Staatsanwälten auch Verteidiger sowie der Angeklagte Franz Lucas teilnahmen.^[65] Die Ortsbesichtigung sollte im Verfahren der Klärung von Detailfragen dienen, u. a. wurden in Block 11 die Hör- und Sichtverhältnisse überprüft. Dabei wurden die zahlreichen Aussagen Auschwitzüberlebender zu den Verbrechen im Block 11 bestätigt und jene der Angeklagten fast völlig widerlegt: So konnte das Aufrufen der Namen von Exekutionsopfern aus den Bunkerzellen deutlich vernommen und der Hof zwischen Block 10 und 11 mit der Schwarzen Wand durch die Ritzen der Bretterverschalung aus den Fenstern von Block 10 gut eingesehen werden.^[66]

Block 11 als Teil des Staatlichen Museums Auschwitz-Birkenau

Nachbau der Schwarzen Wand im ehemaligen Stammlager des KZ Auschwitz (2006).

Kurz nach Kriegsende – noch vor Gründung des Staatlichen Museums Auschwitz-Birkenau – wurde ab Mitte 1945 eine erste Ausstellung zum KZ Auschwitz im ehemaligen Stammlager gezeigt. Neben den in Block 4 gezeigten Raubgütern war auch Block 11 Teil der Ausstellung. Viele Polen reisten zu dieser Ausstellung nach Oświęcim, um ihrer dort ermordeten Angehörigen zu gedenken oder sich über die in Auschwitz begangenen Verbrechen zu informieren.^[67] Block 11 ist im Rahmen der Ausstellung des Staatlichen Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau für die Öffentlichkeit zugänglich. Das Gebäude befindet sich in dem nach der Befreiung des Konzentrationslagers vorgefundenen Zustand.^[68] Erd- und Kellergeschoss sind noch weitestgehend im Originalzustand erhalten.^[69] An den Kellerwänden sind noch heute eingeritzte Namen und Botschaften sichtbar.^[70] Im ersten Stock des ehemaligen Todesblocks befindet sich eine Ausstellung zum Widerstandskampf.^[69]

Während die Ruinen der Krematorien und Gaskammern des Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz-Birkenau ein Symbol des Holocausts geworden sind, steht das ehemalige Stammlager für das „Martyrium unzähliger Polen“. In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Schwarze Wand herausragender Gedenkort des „nationalsozialistischen Terrors gegen Polen“.^[71]

Literatur

• Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch des Blocks 11 im Nazi-Konzentrationslager Auschwitz. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959.
• Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945. Rowohlt, Hamburg 1989, ISBN 3-498-00884-6.
• Wacław Długoborski, Franciszek Piper (Hrsg.): Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz. Verlag Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oswiecim 1999, ISBN 83-85047-76-X. 5 Bände:
  • I. Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers.
  • II. Die Häftlinge – Existenzbedingungen, Arbeit und Tod.
  • III. Vernichtung.
  • IV. Widerstand.
  • V. Epilog.
• Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition. Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, ISBN 978-3-593-39960-7.
• Ernst Klee: Auschwitz. Täter, Gehilfen, Opfer und was aus ihnen wurde. Ein Personenlexikon. 1. Auflage. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2013, ISBN 978-3-10-039333-3.
• Hermann Langbein: Menschen in Auschwitz. Frankfurt am Main, Ullstein-Verlag, Berlin/Wien 1980, ISBN 3-54833014-2.
• Robert Jan van Pelt: Auschwitz. In: Günther Morsch, Bertrand Perz: Neue Studien zu nationalsozialistischen Massentötungen durch Giftgas. Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-940938-99-2.
• Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Sterbebücher von Auschwitz. Band 1: Berichte, Saur, München 1995, ISBN 3-598-11263-7.
• Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Auschwitz in den Augen der SS. Oswiecim 1998, ISBN 83-85047-35-2.
• Verein zum Erhalt der Gedenkstätte Auschwitz-Birkenau e.V. (Hrsg.): Das Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager Auschwitz-Birkenau. Online: Titel, Inhaltsverzeichnis, Grußwort, Vorwort, Teil 1, Teil 2, Anhang.

Weblinks

Commons: Block 11 – Sammlung von Bildern, Videos und Audiodateien

• Fritz Bauer Institut: Texte und Materialien zur Geschichte des Lagers Auschwitz, zum Auschwitz-Prozess, zum Tonbandmitschnitt auf http://www.auschwitz-prozess.de/
• Vergrößerbares Luftbild vom 25. August 1944, hier zur Lage des Gebäudes innerhalb des Konzentrationslagers; dabei ist auch die Lage der ehemaligen polnischen Armeekaserne im ersten Lagerteil (Auschwitz I, Stammlager) erkennbar. (Nachträgl. engl. Beschriftung: Penal Block = Strafblock)

Einzelnachweise

1. Hochspringen ↑ Irena Strzelecka: Bau, Ausbau und Entwicklung des KL Auschwitz und seiner Nebenlager. In: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940-1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz., Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim 1999, S. 77
2. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c} Aleksander Lasik: Die Organisationsstruktur des KL Auschwitz, in: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz, Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim 1999, S. 242f.
3. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, S. 110
4. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, S. 50
5. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Anmerkung 14 zum Broadbericht. In: Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Oswiecim 1998, S. 99
6. Hochspringen ↑ Robert Jan van Pelt: Auschwitz. In: Günther Morsch, Bertrand Perz: Neue Studien zu nationalsozialistischen Massentötungen durch Giftgas. Berlin 2011, S. 191
7. Hochspringen ↑ Anmerkung 33 zum Broadbericht. In: Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Oswiecim 1998, S. 111
8. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d} Aleksander Lasik: Die Organisationsstruktur des KL Auschwitz, in: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940-1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz, Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim 1999, S. 244
9. Hochspringen ↑ Quelle: Aus dem Urteil des Landgerichts Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 19./20. August 1965, 2. Abschnitt. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 2, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 605f.
10. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Aleksander Lasik: Die Organisationsstruktur des KL Auschwitz, in: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940-1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz, Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim 1999, S. 243
11. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d} Quelle: Urteil des Landgerichts Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 19./20. August 1965, 2. Abschnitt. Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 2, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 606
12. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 7
13. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c} Quelle: Schwurgerichtsanklage der Staatsanwaltschaft bei dem Landgericht Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 16. April 1963. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 226
14. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 20
15. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Irena Strzelecka: Strafen und Folter. In: Wacław Długoborski, Franciszek Piper (Hrsg.): Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz., Oswiecim 1999, Band II: Die Häftlinge – Existenzbedingungen, Arbeit und Tod, S. 464
16. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, S. 41
17. Hochspringen ↑ Aleksander Lasik: Die Organisationsstruktur des KL Auschwitz, in: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz, Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim 1999, S. 224
18. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 16
19. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d e f g h i} Irena Strzelecka: Strafen und Folter. In: Wacław Długoborski, Franciszek Piper (Hrsg.): Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz., Oswiecim 1999, Band II: Die Häftlinge – Existenzbedingungen, Arbeit und Tod, S. 465
20. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 26, 28
21. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 32
22. Hochspringen ↑ Quelle: Schwurgerichtsanklage der Staatsanwaltschaft bei dem Landgericht Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 16. April 1963. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 339
23. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 34
24. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 14
25. Hochspringen ↑ Irena Strzelecka: Strafen und Folter. In: Wacław Długoborski, Franciszek Piper (Hrsg.): Auschwitz 1940–1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz., Oswiecim 1999, Band II: Die Häftlinge – Existenzbedingungen, Arbeit und Tod, S. 467
26. Hochspringen ↑ Anmerkung 15 zum Broadbericht. In: Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Oswiecim 1998, S. 99
27. Hochspringen ↑ Thomas Grotum: Das digitale Archiv – Aufbau und Auswertung einer Datenbank zur Geschichte des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz, 2004, S. 294
28. Hochspringen ↑ „Das Leben wurde wieder kostbar“. Erinnerungen von Michal Micherdzinski an Maximilian Kolbe auf http://www.maximilian-kolbe-werk.de
29. Hochspringen ↑ Quelle: Urteil des Landgerichts Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 19./20. August 1965, Blatt 225f. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 2, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 737f.
30. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Quelle: Urteil des Landgerichts Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 19./20. August 1965, Blatt 187ff. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 2, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 713
31. Hochspringen ↑ Quelle: Urteil des Landgerichts Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 19./20. August 1965, Blatt 229. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 2, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 739f.
32. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d} Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Sterbebücher von Auschwitz. Band 1: Berichte. K.G. Saur Verlag, München 1995, ISBN 3-598-11263-7, S. 232f.
33. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 18
34. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 24
35. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz. Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 25.
36. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz. Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 27.
37. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 31
38. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 16
39. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 29, 34
40. Hochspringen ↑ Thomas Grotum: Das digitale Archiv – Aufbau und Auswertung einer Datenbank zur Geschichte des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz, 2004, S. 234
41. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Konrad Beischl: Dr. med. Eduard Wirths und seine Tätigkeit als SS-Standortarzt im KL Auschwitz. Königshausen und Neumann, Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-3010-9, S. 54f.
42. Hochspringen ↑ Sybille Steinbacher: Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte. Beck, München 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2, S. 89.
43. Hochspringen ↑ Hermann Langbein: Menschen in Auschwitz. Frankfurt am Main 1980, S. 67
44. Hochspringen ↑ Martin Broszat (Hrsg.): Rudolf Höß – Kommandant in Auschwitz. 20. Auflage. dtv, München 2006, ISBN 978-3-423-30127-5, S. 240 sowie Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, ISBN 3-498-00884-6, S. 117.
45. Hochspringen ↑ Zur Datierung siehe Robert Jan van Pelt: Auschwitz. In: Günther Morsch, Bertrand Perz: Neue Studien zu nationalsozialistischen Massentötungen durch Giftgas. Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-940-93899-2, S. 201
46. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, ISBN 3-498-00884-6, S. 117ff / Czech datiert die Massenvergasung auf den 3. September 1941.
47. Hochspringen ↑ Als Dokument Nr. 24 mit Anlagen abgedruckt bei Hans-Adolf Jacobsen: „Kommissarbefehl…“. In: Martin Broszat u.a. (Hrsg.): Anatomie des SS–Staates, dtv, München 1967, Bd. II, S. 200–204.
48. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, S. 117ff
49. Hochspringen ↑ Martin Broszat (Hrsg.): Rudolf Höß: Kommandant in Auschwitz. Autobiographische Aufzeichnungen., dtv, München, 1963/1989, ISBN 3-423-02908-0, S. 126
50. Hochspringen ↑ Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Sterbebücher von Auschwitz. Band 1: Berichte, K.G. Saur Verlag, München 1995, ISBN 3-598-11263-7, S. 232f.
51. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Quelle: Schwurgerichtsanklage der Staatsanwaltschaft bei dem Landgericht Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 16. April 1963. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 225f.
52. Hochspringen ↑ Broadbericht. In: Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (Hrsg.): Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Oswiecim 1998, S. 104f.
53. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d} Thomas Grotum: Das digitale Archiv – Aufbau und Auswertung einer Datenbank zur Geschichte des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz, 2004, S. 233f.
54. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o} Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 10
55. Hochspringen ↑ Franciszek Brol, Gerad Włoch, Jan Pilecki: Das Bunkerbuch. In: Hefte von Auschwitz, Nr. 1, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau 1959, S. 20
56. Hochspringen ↑ Irena Strzelecka: Bau, Ausbau und Entwicklung des KL Auschwitz und seiner Nebenlager. In: Aleksander Lasik, Franciszek Piper, Piotr Setkiewicz, Irena Strzelecka: Auschwitz 1940-1945. Studien zur Geschichte des Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz., Band I: Aufbau und Struktur des Lagers, Staatliches Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau, Oświęcim1999, S. 457, 468
57. Hochspringen ↑ Anmerkungen zur Schwurgerichtsanklage der Staatsanwaltschaft bei dem Landgericht Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 16. April 1963. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 527
58. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b c} Hermann Langbein: Menschen in Auschwitz. Frankfurt am Main, 1980, S. 214ff.
59. Hochspringen ↑ Danuta Czech: Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939–1945, Reinbek 1989, S. 393.
60. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Ernst Klee: Auschwitz. Täter, Gehilfen und Opfer und was aus ihnen wurde. Ein Personenlexikon, Frankfurt am Main 2013, S. 73
61. Hochspringen ↑ Quelle: Schwurgerichtsanklage der Staatsanwaltschaft bei dem Landgericht Frankfurt am Main in der Strafsache gegen Mulka und andere vom 16. April 1963. In: Raphael Gross, Werner Renz (Hrsg.): Der Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965). Kommentierte Quellenedition, Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts, Band 1, Frankfurt am Main/ New York 2013, S. 228
62. Hochspringen ↑ Hermann Langbein: Menschen in Auschwitz, Frankfurt am Main, Ullstein-Verlag, Berlin/Wien 1980, S. 373
63. Hochspringen ↑ Vgl. Ernst Klee: Auschwitz. Täter, Gehilfen, Opfer und was aus ihnen wurde. Ein Personenlexikon, Frankfurt am Main 2013, S. 23f., 146f. und Hans Rubinich: 50 Jahre Auschwitzprozess – Unaussprechliches aussprechen. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung vom 19. Dezember 2013
64. Hochspringen ↑ Angeklagte im 1. Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozess (1963–1965) – Strafverbüßung auf http://www.auschwitz-prozess.de
65. Hochspringen ↑ Sybille Steinbacher: „Protokoll der Schwarzen Wand“. Die Ortsbesichtigung des Frankfurter Schwurgerichts in Auschwitz. In: Fritz Bauer Institut (Hrsg.): „Gerichtstag halten über uns selbst …“ Geschichte und Wirkung des ersten Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozesses. Reihe: Jahrbuch zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust, Frankfurt 2001, S. 86f.
66. Hochspringen ↑ Sybille Steinbacher: „Protokoll der Schwarzen Wand“. Die Ortsbesichtigung des Frankfurter Schwurgerichts in Auschwitz. In: Fritz Bauer Institut (Hrsg.): „Gerichtstag halten über uns selbst …“ Geschichte und Wirkung des ersten Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozesses. Reihe: Jahrbuch zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust, Frankfurt 2001, S. 77
67. Hochspringen ↑ Susanne Willems: Um die Befreiung von Auschwitz. In: Dachauer Hefte, Nr. 19, Verlag Dachauer Hefte, Dachau 2003, S. 294
68. Hochspringen ↑ Jochen August: Annäherung an Auschwitz: ein Versuch, Schriftenreihe Polis 10, Hessische Landeszentrale für politische Bildung, Wiesbaden 1994, S. 10
69. ↑ ^{Hochspringen nach: a b} Emeryka Iwaszko: Pädagogische Arbeit mit Jugendlichen im staatlichen Museum Auschwitz. In: Wulff E. Brebeck, Angela Genger u.a. (Hrsg.): Zur Arbeit in Gedenkstätten für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus – ein internationaler Überblick (= Schriften zur Arbeit in den Gedenkstätten für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, Bd. 1), Verlag von Aktion Sühnezeichen / Friedensdienste e.V., Berlin 1988, S. 82.
70. Hochspringen ↑ Jochen August: Annäherung an Auschwitz: ein Versuch, Schriftenreihe Polis 10, Hessische Landeszentrale für politische Bildung, Wiesbaden 1994, S. 9
71. Hochspringen ↑ Peter Gerlich, Krzysztof Glass: Bewältigen oder Bewahren: Dilemmas des Mitteleuropäischen Wandels, Österreichische Gesellschaft für Mitteleuropäische Studien, Wien 1994, S. 200f.

Internationaler Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Holocaust

Der Internationale Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Holocaust am 27. Januar wurde als Holocaust-Gedenktag im Jahr 2005 von den Vereinten Nationen eingeführt.

Der Tag, der auf den Jahrestag der Befreiung des KZ Auschwitz-Birkenau durch die Rote Armee im Jahr 1945 verweist, wurde vor der UN-Proklamation unter anderem bereits in Großbritannien und Deutschland (Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, seit 1996) als Gedenktag begangen. Israel begeht seit 1951 mit dem Jom haScho’a einen eigenen Gedenktag mit anderem Datum.

Am 18. Oktober 2002^[1] beschlossen die Bildungsminister der im Europarat vertretenen Staaten einen Tag des Gedenkens an den Holocaust und der Verhütung von Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit einzuführen, wobei den Mitgliedsstaaten die Wahl des Tages überlassen blieb. Der 27. Januar wurde von den meisten, darunter Deutschland und die Schweiz, ausgewählt.^[2] Im Zusammenhang mit dem Gedenktag sollen im Schulunterricht Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, Völkermord und speziell der Holocaust thematisiert werden, wozu der Europarat Unterrichtsmaterialien bereithält.^[3]

Nachdem die Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen bereits mit ihrer 28. Sondersitzung am 24. Januar 2005 dem 60. Jahrestag der Befreiung der Konzentrationslager gedacht hatte,^[4] erklärte sie den 27. Januar während ihrer 42. Plenarsitzung am 1. November 2005 durch ihre Resolution 60/7 zum Internationalen Tag des Gedenkens an die Opfer des Holocausts.^[5] Seit 2006 wird er weltweit begangen.

Weblinks

• Resolution adopted by the General Assembly 60/7. Holocaust remembrance. 1. November 2005, abgerufen am 23. November 2012 (HTML mit PDF (105 kB) eingebettet, mehrsprachig, arabisch, chinesisch, englisch, französisch, russisch, spanisch, Resolution der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen 60/7).
• General Assembly Decides to Designate 27 January as Annual International Day of Commemoration to Honour Holocaust Victims. 1. November 2005, abgerufen am 23. November 2012 (englisch, Pressemitteilung der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen GA/10413).
• „Remembrance and Beyond“ – The Holocaust and the United Nations Outreach Programme. Abgerufen am 23. November 2012 (mehrsprachig, arabisch, chinesisch, englisch, französisch, russisch, spanisch).

Einzelnachweise

1. Hochspringen ↑ Declaration by the European Ministers of Education (18 October 2002). In: Website des Europarates. Archiviert vom Original am 6. Juli 2007, abgerufen am 1. Februar 2013(englisch).
2. Hochspringen ↑ Links. In: Website des Europarates. Archiviert vom Original am 18. Mai 2007, abgerufen am 1. Februar 2013 (englisch).
3. Hochspringen ↑ 27. Januar – Holocaust-Gedenktag. In: Website des Europarates. Abgerufen am 1. Februar 2013.
4. Hochspringen ↑ 28th Special Session of the General Assembly. Commemoration of the sixtieth anniversary of the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps. Abgerufen am 23. November 2012(mehrsprachig, arabisch, chinesisch, englisch, französisch, russisch, spanisch).
5. Hochspringen ↑ Resolution adopted by the General Assembly 60/7. Holocaust remembrance. 1. November 2005, abgerufen am 23. November 2012 (HTML mit PDF (105 kB) eingebettet, mehrsprachig, arabisch, chinesisch, englisch, französisch, russisch, spanisch, Resolution der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen 60/7). und General Assembly Decides to Designate 27 January as Annual International Day of Commemoration to Honour Holocaust Victims. 1. November 2005, abgerufen am 23. November 2012 (englisch, Pressemitteilung der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen GA/10413).

Martin Luther King, Jr.: Biography, Speeches & Quotes

By Jessie Szalay, LiveScience Contributor   |   January 17, 2014

Martin Luther King Jr. (1929-1968) Credit: Library of Congress. View full size image

Martin Luther King Jr. was a pastor, humanitarian and leader in the American civil rights movement of the 1960s. In numerous speeches, marches and letters, he fought for racial and economic justice. He was lauded for his nonviolent approach to civil disobedience. Assassinated in 1968 at the age of 39, King made an incredible impact on the country’s racial, cultural and intellectual landscape.

Early life

King was born on Jan. 15, 1929, to the Rev. Michael King and Alberta Williams King in Atlanta, Ga. His birth name was Michael King Jr. The King family had deep roots in the Atlanta black community and the African-American Baptist Church. Both his grandfather and father served in succession at Ebenezer Baptist Church (down the street from King’s childhood home), and established it as a major congregation in Baptist circles. They were also both leaders in the Atlanta branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Michael King Sr. changed his name and his son’s name to Martin Luther in 1934 to honor the 16th-century German religious reformer.

King attended segregated schools and graduated from high school at 15. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree in sociology at Morehouse College in 1948, and went on to gain a Bachelor of Divinity degree from Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania and a doctorate in Philosophy of Systematic Theology from Boston University. While in Boston, he met music student Coretta Scott. The two later married and had two daughters and two sons.

King contemplated an academic career but ultimately followed his father and grandfather to the pulpit. In 1954, he accepted the position of pastor at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Ala.

Ministry and civil rights leadership

In Montgomery, King began to be known as a prominent leader in the civil rights movement. In 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus to a white man and was arrested. Local leaders formed an organization to protest Parks’ arrest and chose King to head the group. In this role, he became the primary spokesperson for what would become the 382-day Montgomery Bus Boycott. During the boycott, King was abused and arrested, and his house was bombed, but he remained a stalwart and committed leader.

King’s activism, leadership and ministry drew heavily on his Christian principles as well as the nonviolent teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. King skillfully drew upon a wide range of theological and philosophical influences to mobilize black churches and communities and to appeal for white support. He turned from an abstract view of God to a more supportive, reassuring concept, describing God as “a living reality that has been validated in the experiences of everyday life.”

After the Supreme Court outlawed bus segregation, King helped expand the civil rights movement throughout the South. He was elected president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and moved back to Atlanta to be closer to the organization’s headquarters and to become co-pastor with his father at Ebenezer Baptist Church. He also traveled and spoke widely, spreading the message of nonviolent protest; wrote five books; organized voting drives; led peaceful protests and marches; and was arrested more than 20 times.

‘Letter from Birmingham City Jail’

In 1963, King led a nonviolent protest in highly segregated Birmingham, Ala. The campaign was met with brutality from the police, who attacked demonstrators with dogs and hoses. King was arrested and, in a cell, drafted his famous “Letter from Birmingham City Jail,” which became a manifesto for civil rights and civil disobedience. The letter combined ideas from the Bible, the Constitution and other respected texts.

March on Washington and ‘I Have a Dream’ speech

On Aug. 28, 1963, about 250,000 people marched in Washington, D.C., in the largest demonstration of its kind in the city. At the Lincoln Memorial, King delivered the inspirational and oft-quoted “I Have a Dream” speech. The speech’s most famous phrases include:

“I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal …

“I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.”

The speech inspired the nation and solidified King’s status as a national civil rights leader. After the march, King and other leaders met with President John F. Kennedy to discuss equal rights and an end to segregation.

Nobel Peace Prize

Following the March on Washington, Time magazine named King its “Man of the Year.” The next year, in 1964 at the age of 35, King became the youngest person ever to win the Nobel Peace Prize. He donated the winnings to the civil rights movement. King received hundreds of other awards and several honorary degrees.

Later work and assassination

In addition to his work on racial issues, King became an activist for economic justice and a critic of the Vietnam War. He formed an organization called the Poor Peoples Campaign, which was unpopular among some black activists who wanted to take more radical approaches to social change, such as those advocated by the Black Power campaigns.

On April 3, 1968, in Memphis, Tenn., King delivered a poignant speech, intoning,

“I’ve been to the mountaintop [and] I’ve seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land.”

The next day, while standing on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel, King was assassinated. White segregationist James Earl Ray was convicted of the crime, though the identity of King’s murderer was the subject of some controversy.

 The Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial stands on the National Mall in Washington, D.C.

Credit: Lissandra Melo / Shutterstock.com

View full size image

Legacy and memorial

King had a profound impact on the United States. The March on Washington was influential in the passing of the landmark Civil Rights Act, which essentially made segregation illegal. The Voting Rights Act was passed as the result of the 1965 Selma to Montgomery March.

In 1968, Coretta Scott King founded the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change. She also led the effort to make King’s birthday a national holiday, first celebrated in 1986.

On Aug. 28, 2011 — the 48th anniversary of the March on Washington — a memorial to King was dedicated on the National Mall in Washington, D.C. The memorial consists of a 30-foot statue of King carved into the “Stone of Hope” breaking through two boulders representing the “Mountain of Despair.”

Memorable quotes

“Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.”

“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”

“I have decided to stick with love. Hate is too great a burden to bear.”

“We must accept finite disappointment, but never lose infinite hope.”

“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.”

“A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual doom.”

“We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.”

“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

How to Recreate a Sloppy Ancient Greek Drinking Game

by Megan Gannon, News Editor   |   January 14, 2015 06:51am ET

A man plays kottabos in the artwork on this terracotta kylix, housed at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The cup is attributed to the Kleophrades Painter and dates back to about 500 B.C. Credit: Creative Commons, Marie-Lan Nguyen (2011)

View full size image

NEW ORLEANS — More than 2,000 years before the invention of beer pong, the ancient Greeks had a game called kottabos to pass the time at their drinking parties.

At Greek symposia, elite men, young and old, reclined on cushioned couches that lined the walls of the andron, the men’s quarters of a household. They had lively conversations and recited poetry. They were entertained by dancers, flute girls and courtesans. They got drunk on wine, and in the name of competition, they hurled their dregs at a target in the center of the room to win prizes like eggs, pastries and sexual favors. Slaves cleaned up the mess.

“Trying to describe this ancient Greek drinking game, kottabos, to my students was always a little bit difficult because we do have these illustrations of it, but they only show one part of the game — where individuals are about to flick some dregs at a target,” said Heather Sharpe, an assistant professor of art history at West Chester University of Pennsylvania.

“I thought it would be really great if we could actually try to do it ourselves,” said Sharpe.

So, with a 3D-printed drinking cup, some diluted grape juice and a handful of willing students, Sharpe did just that. She found out that it wasn’t impossible to get the hang of kottabos, but the game did require a skilled overhand toss. She presented her findings this past weekend (Jan. 8 to 11) here at the annual meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America.

Raise your glass

Ancient texts and works of art indicate that there were two ways to play kottabos. In one variation, the goal was to knock down a disc that was carefully balanced atop a tall metal stand in the middle of the room. In the other variation, there was no metal stand; rather, the goal was to sink small dishes floating in a larger bowl of water. In both versions, participants attempted to hit their target with the leftover wine at the bottom of their kylix, the ancient equivalent of a Solo cup.

The red-and-black kylixes had two looped handles and a shallow but wide body — a shape that perhaps was not the most practical for drinking but lent itself to playful decoration.

Big eyes were sometimes painted on the underside on kylixes so that the drinker would look like he was wearing a mask when he took a hefty sip. And the relatively flat, circular inside of the cup, called the tondo, often carried droll or dirty pictures that would be slowly revealed as the wine disappeared. The tondo of one kylix at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston bears the image of a man wiping his bottom. Another drinking cup at the same museum shows a man penetrating a woman from behind with the caption “Hold still.”

Other paintings on kylixes were quite self-referential, with scenes of revelers playing kottabos. Based on those ancient illustrations, Sharpe had assumed that to play the game, you would swirl the dregs in the kylix and flick them at the target, almost as if you were doing a forehand throw with a Frisbee. But her experiment showed that that was not the most winning technique.

Re-enacting a symposium

Sharpe collaborated with Andrew Snyder, a ceramics professor at West Chester University. He initially made three replica kylixes out of clay, but Sharpe was worried about breaking them during the game. Snyder had just acquired a 3D printer (a MakerBot Replicator 2), so they made a lighter, more durable, plastic kylix at a slightly smaller scale.

The team made mock-up kottabos targets to play both variations of the game. For their andron, Sharpe and her colleagues used one of the art department’s drawing rooms (which had a linoleum floor for easy cleanup), and they grabbed a couple padded benches to serve as their couches. Instead of wine, they used watered-down grape juice.

To achieve the best results in kottabos, the participants had to loop a finger through one handle of the kylix and toss the juice overhand, as if they were pitching a baseball. Sharpe said that playing the game proved to be challenging, but she was amazed that some of her students started to hit the target within 10 to 15 minutes.

“It took a fair amount of control to actually direct the wine dregs, and interestingly enough, some of the women were the first to get it,” Sharpe told Live Science. “In some respects, they relied a little bit more on finesse, whereas some of the guys were trying to throw it too hard.”

Elite Greek women wouldn’t have taken part in symposia, but there are some indications that the courtesans, called hetairai, would have played kottabos with the men.

“Another thing we quickly realized is, it must have gotten pretty messy,” Sharpe said. “By the end of our experiment we had diluted grape juice all over the floor. In a typical symposium setting, in an andron, you would have had couches arranged on almost all four sides of the room, and if you missed the target, you were likely to splatter your fellow symposiast across the way. You’d imagine that, by the end of the symposium, you’d be drenched in wine, and your fellow symposiasts would be drenched in wine, too.”

Sharpe would eventually like to attempt to play kottabos with real wine, to fully understand how the game would devolve as the participants got tipsy.

“It would be fun to actually experiment with wine drinking,” Sharpe said. “Of course, this was a university event, so we couldn’t exactly do it on campus. But really, to get the full experiment, it would be interesting to try it after having a kylix of wine, or after having two kylixes of wine.”

Follow Megan Gannon on Twitter. Follow us @livescience, Facebook& Google+. Original article on Live Science.

See also:

[Coolest Archaeological Discoveries of 2014]

[11 Interesting Facts About Hangovers]

The Blue Train

Once reserved only for Marshal Josip Broz Tito and his guests, the most luxurious train in the former Yugoslavia is these days available to anyone who can afford to rent it.

From it’s construction in 1959, until the Marshal’s death in 1980, the Blue Train was out of the reach of common people. During Tito’s reign all that the proletariat could see of what was then an ultra-modern train was the Marshal waiving from the window.

Over more than thirty years the train carried Tito 600,000 km around Europe and was the scene of many important events in Yugoslavian history. In its salons the president led negotiations, made deals, and built and strengthened diplomatic relations.

Tito hosted more than 60 world leaders such as Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, the Soviet Union’s president Leonid Brezhnev, India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Queen Elizabeth II, for whom the train was specially redecorated.

The Marshal’s last journey in the Blue Train was on the day of his funeral in 1980, when his coffin was carried from Ljubljana, where he died, to Belgrade, where he was laid to rest.

After that, the train gathered dust in the engine sheds for quarter of a century, till in 2004, the authorities decided to start renting it.

Once you’re on board, Serbia is your oyster, as long as the tracks go there. With a little extra planning the rail network of Montenegro is also available.  The cost depends on your destination and the composition of the train, but  for example, the price for a one day journey with a ‘basic’ composition, taking up to 90 people is about €2,500.

And don’t let that word ‘basic’ mislead you – it actually means that you’ll spend a day in Tito’s private quarters – not for you cramped seating and stale tobacco smells but luxury salons and dining rooms.  The inside of the train is pretty much as it was three decades ago.

Guests are welcomed aboard by white gloved stewards dressed in communist-style uniforms, who will spend the journey looking after you.

Decorated in Art Deco style, the interior of the train is clad with wooden panelling and equipped with everything necessary for a luxurious and comfortable trip.

The basic composition comprises the President’s apartment, his study with a library and salon, a conference room with yet another salon, a drawing room and a dinning room, which can be used for cinema-projections, a bar, the ‘De Gaulle’ apartment and saloon, and a guest apartment.

Tito’s apartment itself is made up of two bedrooms, one for him and one for first lady, Jovanka. The rooms are connected with a bathroom that has a large porcelain bath and two sinks with mirrors. It is not hard to guess which sink belonged to whom – in front of Tito’s sink is a black leather armchair while in front of Jovanka’s is one clad with white satin.

The ‘De Gaulle’ car was specially made in 1972 for the French president in advance of a meeting that never actually took place. The car has two bedrooms, A bathroom and salon with TV. The Marshal ordered  a special bed that was suited to the tall Frenchman.

The French general however held Tito responsible for the execution of his friend Draza Mihajlovic, the Serbian general murdered by communist government and in fact never made any plans to visit.

Instead, Tito hosted other guests in the ‘De Gaulle’ car, including Queen Elizabeth II, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu.

The train that was one of the symbols of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Tito’s rule can now be used for all kinds of promotions, corporate presentations, exhibitions, trips and celebrations.

Along with the basic offer, Serbian railway offers six luxury sleeping cars that along with bedrooms have salons. Each of these cars can host up to 10 people. For those on tighter budgets there are four more traditional sleeping cars which are, however, far more comfortable than those on regular Serbian trains. One of these carriages will host 30 people.

Serbian railways will even provide you with a chef for on-board catering or allow you to supply your own.

So if you’re planning a corporate Christmas party and the thought of a downtown hotel is underwhelming you, or if you’ve planning a black tie event for friends this may just be what you’ve been looking for.

Those of you with more limited budgets can arrange a trip just to marvel at a piece of history. The Blue train can be visited by prior arrangement. There’s a little paperwork to take care of but  it’s worth it for a glimpse of communist-style extravagance.

For further information contact:
Passenger Transport Service of Serbian Railways.
Tel: 011 3616928, 011 3616962

Naming Street After Tito Unconstitutional

Published 05 Oct 2011 in the Slovenia Times 

The Constitutional Court has ruled unanimously that the 2009 decision of the Ljubljana City Council to name a street in the capital after former communist leader Josip Broz Tito (1892-1980) is unconstitutional.

The court, which acted at the initiative of the Young Slovenia (MSi), the youth wing of the non-parliamentary New Slovenia (NSi), argued in Tuesday’s press release that Tito’s name symbolised the former totalitarian regime and that naming a street after him could objectively been seen as a recognition for this regime.

Establishing a violation of the constitutional principle of respect for human dignity, the court also pointed out that Slovenia is defined as a constitutional democracy, meaning “a state where the power of authorities is limited with constitutional principles, human rights and basic freedoms”.

According to the court, official decisions are unconstitutional when they symbolise values that are wholly incompatible with basic constitutional values.

In Slovenia, where the development of democracy and free society based on respect for human dignity began with the break with the former system, any institutional glorification of the former totalitarian communist regime – symbolised the most by Tito as Yugoslavia’s life-long president – is unconstitutional.

The court moreover stressed that the case was not about a street name preserved from the old system as part of history.

The decision was taken in 2009, “18 years after Slovenia became independent and set up a constitutional order based on constitutional values opposite to the values of the regime before independence”.

The ruling also says that the purpose of the review was not a verdict on Tito as a figure or on his concrete actions, as well as not a historical weighing of facts and circumstances, but the evaluation of the symbolic weight of his name from the perspective of constitutional principles.

“The name Tito does not only symbolise the liberation of the territory of present-day Slovenia from fascist occupation in WWII as claimed by the other party in the case, but also grave violations of human rights and basic freedoms, especially in the decade following WWII.”

The NSi welcomed the country’s ruling, with NSi president Ljudmila Novak labelling it the first step by a public institution towards admitting that Tito was a criminal.

Novak told the press that the ruling was in line with European and general civilisational norms and meant the “decision for more truth in Slovenia” and at the same time a closure for the victims of the communist regime.

She urged mayors and councillors in other towns with the 12 remaining streets and squares named after Tito or other members of the former regime to consider changes.

Representatives of the Ljubljana municipality said they would respect the court’s ruling, but added that they were still proud that the now late councillor Peter Bozic – a writer who had notably been imprisoned under the former regime several times – had proposed that the street be given Tito’s name.

The press release moreover says that Bozic’s proposal had been probed in a public opinion poll and was backed by 60% of the residents of Ljubljana that were polled.

Meanwhile, the decision was also commented by historian Stane Granda, who sees it as very “European” and important for the development of democracy in Slovenia. He feels that “crime was given its name” with the ruling.

Head of the Association of WWII Veterans Janez Stanovnik see things differently. While stressing that the court’s decision needed to be respected, he noted that it was also a “condemnation of the commander of one of the four allied armies that liberated Europe”.

The STA has found out that no changes are planned with regard to a street in Maribor named after Tito and a square in Velenje, which also has a Tito statue and was named Titovo Velenje before independence. In both cases, the choice of Tito’s name dates back to the time of the old regime.

Tags: Josip Broz Tito, Ljubljana, Constitutional court